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THE
WILTSHIRE Arehealagiral ok Hotel AWistary MAGAZINE,
Published under the Birection of the Huciety
FORMED IN THAT COUNTY A.D. 1853,
VOL. VI.
DEVIZES: Henry Butt, 4, Sarnt Jonn STREET. LONDON: Brut & Darpy, 186, Fixer Street; J. R. Surru, 36, Sono Square.
DEVIZES: PRINTED BY HENRY BULL, ST. JOHN STREET.
CONTENTS OF VOL. VI.
No. XDE.
The Bradford Clay and its Fossils: By Mr. W. Cunntneton, F.G.S. Broughton Gifford. History of the Parish, (continued): By the Rev. OLN VW CEKENSONA MOAL, 5. i20c...0 a Men isi itie ajo a aitibie esters eine’
The Harding Family, their Pedigree, 11. Court Leets, 15. Parochial POM Vr Houses, 22. Population, 23. Agricultural Industry, 29, Manufacturing Industry, 36. Parochial Economy, 38. Means of Communication, 39. EccLEsIAsTICAL AND Reicious History. The Parish Church, 43. Church Temporali- ties, 49. Church-House, 52. Rectors, 54. Parochial School, 58. Narurat History. Land; Surface, 58. Geology, 59. Water; River Avon, 60. Broughton Brook, 63. Climate, 64. Barometrical Observations, 65. The Flora of Broughton Gifford, 68. Oldbury Hill. Account of a Barrow opened 1858: By Mr. W. Cun-
Nineton, F.G.8,........ Fcddecdpsundhow socooupencedue amo edee Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens: By Wintram Boyne, F.S.A......... Flora of Wiltshire, No. IV.: By T. B. Fitownr, Ese, M.R.C.S., &e... Stanley Abbey, A Refugee at: By the Rey. Canon Jackson, F.S.A.. Wonntious to tho Museum and Library.......0 ..c0cccinecesscseese
fo, YOULL.
Bishop’s Cannings, Historical Memoirs of the Parish: By the Ven, PCED MACHR MACDONALD 2. .ia Maiev nines wom ed's fa siae sien eine sine
ManoriAt History, 121. Tything of Cannings, 124. Bourton and Easton, 128. Cote, 130. Horton, 131, Chapelry of St. James, Southbroom, 132, Roundway, 134. Wick, 138. Chittoe, 139.
Ecc.zsiAsTioAL History, 141. The Vicarage, 142. Parish Chureh, 144. ‘Carrell’? or reading-chair, 147. Cnaririgs, 151. Mr. T. Stevens, 152. Dr. James Pound, 153. Gxotoey of the Parish, 154.
Roundway Hill, Account of Ancient British and Anglo-Saxon Barrows: Seerea ds WV CURMINGTON, CuO, Vo wascinalee'stecveeese dave Ornithology of Wilts, No. 9: By the Rey. A. C. Smiru. [ Insessores
continued. } Sylviadew. 167. Paridw, 177. Ampelidmw, 179. Motacillide, 180. Brands and Forgeries of Antiques.......2. s0scdeces secesucvece
Duchy of Lancaster, Survey of its Manors in Co. Wilts.............
North Standen, 187. Albourne, 188. Hannington, 189. Upavon, 190. Easterton Gernon (in Market Lavington), 191. Manningford Bohun, 192. Everley, 193. Netheravon, 194. Berwick St. James, 195, Poole, 197, Oaksey, 198. Ashley, 199, Braden Forest, 200,
73 75- 91 92-117 117 119
129-159
159-167
183-186 186-200
iv. d | CONTENTS.—VoL. VI.
Wild Darell of Littlecote, (No. 2): By C. E. Lone, Esa............. 201-214 The Dead Drummer, a Legend of Salisbury Plain: By J. WAYLEN, Esq. 215-223 The Picts: By: the Rey. Jay. HOSS, s MACs. Sac ayer wieteicle' wi ayeers alee 224-244
fo. XVI.
Account of the Sixth General Meeting, at Marlborough, 27th, 28th,
and 29th September, 1859................ Poel acranes a sardc 245-255 Articles exhibited at the Temporary Museum......... seeeaaee 256-260 Great Bedwyn: By the Rev. Joun Warp, M.A., Rector of Wath, Co.
aT eee an eS RE SOO COI ODA OOO OTe COC ot 1 261-291
I.—The Parish and Church. Roman Antiquities, 261. The Lordship, 263. Wolfhall, 264. The Esturmy Horn, 265. Ecctestasricat History, 267. Vicars, 268. St. Nicholas, East Grafton, 270. Stock, 271. Marten, 273. Great Bedwyn Church, 274. Seymour Monuments, 28]. Dr. Thomas Willis, 288. Charites, 290.
II.—The Representative History of Great Bedwyn.........-.. «. 291-316 Barrows on the Downs of North Wilts, Examination of, in 1853-57: By John Thurnam, M.D., F.S.A. 0.0... cece ee ce eee cee eee ee 317-336
Flora of Wiltshire, (No. 5): By T. B. Frowrr, Esa., M.R.C.S., &¢, 337-364 The Great Wiltshire Storm of December 30th, 1859: By the Rey. A.
CUS Sanprern. MAS eri ate sic oess cates leap ter oycnaiel «cin hel@ayy/reneteieaptetere 365-388 Wild Darell of Littlecote, (No. 3): By C. E. Lone, ‘Eso Pre eh are 389-396 Donations to the Museum and Library............-.222+ eeeee sees 397
Lllustrations.
Bradford Clay Fossils, 5. Brass of Robert Long—Broughton Gifford Church, 48, Funereal Urn found at Oldbury Hill, 73.
Bishop’s Cannings Church, 144. The “Carrell” or old reading-chair i in Bishop’s Cannings Church, 147. Circle of Stones at Stennis in the Orkneys, 242.
Horn of the Esturmys; Ditto details, 265. View of East Grafton Church, 270. Borough Seal of Great Bedwyn; Ancient Pax found at East Grafton, 271. Marten Chapel: Ground plan; Ivory carving, and Stained glass, 273. View of Great Bedwyn Church, 275. Tomb of Sir John Seymour, 283. Skull from Morgan’s Hill, 318. Drinking Cup from Pound Down barrow, 321. View from Seven Barrow Hill: and relics found there, 329. Seal of Weavers’ Company at Salisbury; Ancient Seal, supposed Monastic, 396.
WILTSHIRE
Areheologeal ont Matural Wrstory
MAGAZINE.
No. XVI. JULY, 1859. Von. Vi. Contents. PAGE Tue Braprorp Cxay and its Fossils: By Mr. W. Cunnington, F.G.S. 1- 10 Brovucuron GirrorD. History of the Parish, (continued): By the Rev. John. Wilkinson, M.A. 2.2... 101.0. SE GOL eA DEO Oo OAC ee 1l- 72 The Harding Family, their Pepicres, 11. Court Leets,15. Parochial Registers, 17. Houses, 22. Population, 23. Agricultural Industry, 29. Manufacturing Indus- try, 36. Parochial Economy, 38. Means of Communication, 39. EccLESIASTICAL AND Retigious History. The Parish Church, 43. Church Tem- poralties, 49. Church-house, 52. Rectors, 54. Parochial School, 58. Narvurat Hisvory. Land; Surface, 58. Geology, 59. Water; River Avon, 60. Broughton Brook, 63. Climate, 64. Barometrical Observations, 65. The Flora of Broughton Gifford, 68. Oxpecry Hitt. Account of a Barrow opened 1858: By Mr. W. Cun- BMMEEREOTINM IN Ch: Sarria ats, Covers cine seiein, st satAakes ccc te ere ciel Re ost Gaeieiay = eves re 73 Wirrsuire TrRapEsMAN’s Tokens: By William Boyne, F.S.A.. ..... 75- 91 Frora or WIittsHire, No. IV.: By T. B. Flower, Esq., M.R.C.S8., &, 92-117 Srantey ApseEy, A Refugee at: By the Rey. Canon Jackson......... 117 Donations to the Museum and Library ........ 2.0... cee cce secceese 119 ILLUSTRATIONS. EAC COT AAG Aye MOSREIS 1 3c, Maid oc taisteriacn st «aitiate geo eee re eve 5 Brass of Robert Won Bendehice Gifford Chureh, 48 . Funereal Urn found at Oldbury Hill. .............. See: DEVIZES: Henry Bott, 4, Saint Jonn Srreer, LONDON:
Breit & Darpy, 116, Fixer Srrerr; J. R. Smrru, 36, Sono Sauary,
le ee Sh
WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE.
‘“CMULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS.’’—Ovid.
On the Bradford Clay and its fossils:
By Mr. Cunnineron, F.G.S. READ BEFORE THE MEETING OF THE SocinTY AT BRADFORD-0N-AVON, Auveust 12TH, 1857. LTHOUGH I should have been better satisfied had some
FAS local geologist occupied my place upon this occasion, still I feel it a duty, to the best of my ability, to bring before you a subject specially interesting from its connexion with the place of our assembling: the Bradford Clay and its Fossils. We should I think, as a Society, make it our object to investigate fully the Archeology and Natural History of the particular locality in which our Annual Meeting is held. The first of these has been ably elucidated by the Rev. W. H. Jones in his paper of yesterday morning, and I would now, “haud passibus wquis,” endeavour to supply a portion of the second, by giving you a sketch of the geo- logical history of the neighbourhood.
I have the more cheerfully prepared a second notice of the Geo- logy of Wiltshire, having been assured of the willingness of our much respected Ex-President, Mr. G. Poulett Scrope, to continue the series.!
The stratum known as the Bradford clay, is of marine origin, and consists of a bed of pale yellowish or grey clay, with occasional thin layers of irregular limestone and calcareous grit, lying wnder the Forest Marble, and above the Great Oolite and Fullers’ earth.
It may be well studied in the quarries at Berefield, on the north
‘Since the above was written, Mr. Scrope’s tirst paper on Wiltshire Geology has been published in the Magazine, vol. vy. p. 89. A foretaste with which the members must have been much gratified.
VOL. VI. NO. XVI. B
2 Bradford Clay and its Fossils.
of this town. It is of very variable thickness, being seldom more than a few feet, often only a few inches deep, whilst at Farleigh Castle and at Tellisford it isas much as 50 feetin depth. For the benefit of those who are not acquainted with the order of sequence of the Brit- ish strata, it may be well to describe the position which the Bradford clay occupies in the series.' It occurs about the middle of the fossiliferous strata of this county, having immediately below it the Great Oolite—then follow the Fullers’ earth, the Lias, the Car- boniferous limestone, Coal measures, &c., &c.
Commencing immediately above it, we have the Forest marble, Cornbrash, Oxford clay, and Kelloway rock; then the Coral rag, and the associated Calcareous grit and Kimmeridge clay; the Wealden beds, the Purbeck and Portland Oolites. Then commence the Cretaceous group, viz: —Lower Green sand, Gault, Upper Green sand, and Chalk. Above these are the Tertiary strata: and lastly we have the older Flint drift, the Mammalian drift, Brick earth, and the Great Northern drift.
These strata, more than twenty in number, were (with the excep- tion of the Wealden and some of the Tertiaries, which are of fresh water origin) deposited very gradually, a few inches, or even less at a time, at the bottom of the sea; and although all of them may not have been accumulated above this particular locality, yet all of them were formed here, or in the surrounding districts subsequently to the formation of the Bradford clay. There is good evidence that many of the strata enumerated, were once lying above the Bradford clay, on this very spot, and that they have been removed by the disruption and denudation which modified the forms of the surrounding vallies and hills, as their bouldered fragments may be abundantly found in the drift gravel of the district.
The question has lately been put to me ‘‘ What is the age of the Bradford clay ?”’ Theanswer is written on the rocks around us,— nature’s own stereotype,—though in language of such sublime antiquity, that our limited faculties cannot grasp its full purport. The strata above mentioned having been deposited to the depth of
1 Vide Mr. Scrope’s admirable description of the British strata, in the paper already alluded to.
By Mr. Cunnington, F.G.S8. 3
at least 4850 feet since the Bradford clay period, we may thus arrive at some conception, though but a feeble one, of its extreme antiquity.
Geologists are very generally agreed that the Bradford clay ought not to be considered as distinct from the Forest marble, and in the geologically coloured sheets of the Ordnance Map lately issued, no distinction is made between the Bradford clay and the Forest marble; it is in fact considered as part of the latter stratum. On this subject Mr. Lycett, whose valuable contributions to the Pal- zeontology of the British strata are so well known, has favoured me with a note in which he expresses his opinion, that the term Bradford clay considered as a distinct stratum does not apply to Gloucestershire! Nevertheless as indicating the lower clayey portions of the Forest marble, in which great numbers of the Apiocrinites are usually found, the name Bradford clay is for con- venience sake still retained.
The Bradford clay of Wiltshire is confined to a band on the north-west of the county, but it is most extensively developed near this town (hence its name), and here the fossil remains are the most interesting. Mr. Lonsdale says, ‘It appears forming a thin bed in the neighbourhood of Yatton Keynell and Giddy Hall, but between the latter point and Berefield, near Bradford, it is want-
1Mr. Lycett says, ‘‘ The bands of clay and marl which occur throughout the Forest marble and upper portions of the Great Oolite” (in Gloucestershire) ‘‘are extremely irregular and little persistent; so much so that in draining it rarely happens that a bed can be followed 200 or 300 yards, however important it may appear in some parts of its course. None of these clay bands have produced Apiocrinites as far as I am aware, and I only know of two places which have produced Terebratula decussata (coarctata) and Terebratula digona (see wood- cut at page 5); Avicula costata and Avicula echinata have a vertical range too considerable to be of any use. Decapitated stems of Apiocrinus are not uncom- mon in the upper limestones (the upper zone of the Great Oolite, with Pachy- risma grande, of Mr. Hull). From the top of these white limestones to the Cornbrash there is no elear lithological division, and for a zoological division I think that none can be made between the lower beds of the Great Oolite and the base of the Cornbrash.”
My friend Professor Buckman of the Royal Agricultural College, says, ‘There can be no objection to include the Bradford clay with the Forest mar- ble, of which indeed it may be said to be the fossiliferous bank of deposit.”
Be .
4 Bradford Clay and its Fossils.
ing, the Forest marble being visible, resting on the Great Oolite at Pickwick and Wormwood. At Berefield the clay re-appears, con- stituting a thick stratum, which may be traced from that village, by Bradford, Upper Westwood, and Farleigh Castle: but through the southern part of the district it is difficult to separate the Bradford clay from the Fullers’ earth.” 1. It occurs occasionally still further northwards, and may be seen along the line of railway near Kemble in North Wilts, but in no place has it the same interest as in this immediate neighbourhood.
LZ FEM \ Forest Marble.
=——=Be= | Bradford Clay.
QS Re pf GY / / Cae eh 4 SS WQAasg SS $ ge o res ee 7 = VAL LALLA IE Al EO EGY, ee
ES ca - NZ P Sa G-0- Great Oolite.
a a ese mt ey |
E a aa ~_o 7 7
i a re c Lv = is a0, ol —
Cas
Section near Kemble Station, communicated by Professor Buckman, exhibiting the manner in which the Bradford clay occasionally ‘‘ thins out.”
The cutting of the Great Western Railway at the eastern end of the Box tunnel, exhibits a good section of the Bradford clay, but‘ in this locality it is much interrupted by bands of oolitic limestone. It contains many fine Corals and Echini, which have been carefully investigated by Mr. Kilvert of Bath, to whom the Society is indebted for the loan of a beautiful series of these fossils, now exhibited.
Before describing more particularly the fossils contained in the Bradford clay, it is necessary that I should make some reference to the Great or Bath Oolite, on which the stratum rests, and
on which a portion of this town stands. This is a calcareous ad.
Geological section of the neighbourhood of Bradford, showing the general distribution of the strata.
Bd. Braprorp. Bx. Box. L. Lias. 1.0. Inferior Oolite. F.E. Fullers’ Earth. G.O. Great Oolite. b.c. Bradford clay. f.m. Forest marble. C. Cornbrash. m. Mammalian drift. a.d. More ancient drift.
- 1 Transactions Geological Society, 2nd series, vol. ili. part 2.
By Mr. Cunnington, F.G.S. 5
stratum, yielding the well known building stone. It was deposited in a shallow sea, the bottom of which was constantly sinking, and as constantly filling up, until the mass, which consists chiefly of the debris of small shells and corals, had accumulated to the depth of at least 160 feet. In this particular neighbourhood, when this process had ceased, and the whole mass had become consoli- dated, it presented a firm surface, well suited to the growth of the Apiocrinus which required a solid base, on which to spread out its
stony roots.
f Apiocrinus Parkinsoni. Brad-
ford encrinite—the smaller 2 figures represent the animal ‘ in its young state—the one q with the arms expanded, the y other having them closed.
Terebratula decussata (or coarctata), one of the erty most characteristic fossils of the Bradford clay. characteristic of the stratum.
Let us like true archeologists step back some thousands of years into the past, and endeavour to realize the period when the stone lilies grew in luxuriance in the tran- quil sea which covered the spot where we are now meeting. Here many generations of them lived and flourished, until the sea bottom was like a parterre of these mimic flowers in stone. Several species of Terebra- tule (or lamp shells) clustered round the roots of the Apiocrinites. Many species of fish glided through these ancient waters, and oc- casionally disturbed the tranquillity of the scene by preying upon the molluscs, (the Terebratule probably included) which doubt- less constituted their food, as the palatal teeth of some of them are so constructed as to be well adapted for crushing shells. Echini crawled over the rocks, and corals of elegant forms, with other zoophytes and shells
varied the beauty of the submarine scenery.
Terebratula digona, also
6 Bradford Clay and its Fossiis.
Terebratula flabellum, Terebratula furcata, rare and beautiful forms, found in the seetion at the end of the Box tunnel.
But of all the inhabitants of this ancient sea, the Apiocrinus to which I have before alluded, deserves especial notice, as it was at this period of the earth’s history, that it attained its greatest de- velopement, both in size and numbers. The species most abundant here was the Apiocrinus Parkinsoni—Parkinson’s pear-like lily- shaped animal. It belongs to the highest class of the Radiata, the Echinodermata, and derives its name from the resemblance of its body to a pear. In its perfect state, its ten feathery arms gave the Apiocrinus somewhat the appearance of a star-fish, growing on a tall flexible stem (see woodcut). But to descend to more minute detail, the animal consisted, Ist—of a solid root, formed of many layers of calcareous stony matter deposited round the base of the stem, as may be seen ina section. 2nd—of a long stem, composed of about 150 circular discs, with radiated surfaces. In old speci- mens, the stem was from 10 inches to a foot in length. The de- tached discs were described by old authors as Entrochi, or wheel stones, they were also popularly called “giant’s tears,” fairy stones, &c.; and as each is perforated in the centre, they were used as rosaries, hence in the North of England, joints of some of the species of Encrinites are still known as St. Cuthbert’s beads,! in this part of the country they are vulgarly called ‘“coach-wheels.” 8rd—The body. The upper plates of the stem gradually increased in thick- ness and diameter, so as to form the elegant vase shaped body of the creature, towards the middle of which, the circular plates were succeeded by a more complicated structure, consisting of a set of five angular basal plates, two sets, of five each, of intermediate plates,
a “On a rock by Lindisfarn, St. Cuthbert sits and toils to frame The sea borne beads that bear his name.’”—Marmion.
By Mr. Cunnington, F.G.S. 7
and five superior plates, each of the latter being provided with two articulating surfaces from which sprung the arms or fingers. These were ten in number, and were fringed on both sides with rows of minute tentacula, formed of a vast number of small joints or bones, constituting altogether a beautiful star-shaped net, capable of con-" tracting and folding in, so as to bring its prey within reach of the mouth. The mouth was conveniently situated, just within the base of the arms, so as to receive the Animalcules, &c., on which it fed.
The late Mr. Channing Pearce of this town, who possessed a most remarkable series of these fossils, succeeded in obtaining specimens having some of their fingers and tentacula preserved even to their most minute joints. As many of the Apiocrinites are found lying prostrate on the clay, he concluded that the fingers on the upper side would as they decomposed, be carried away by the action of the waves, whilst those on the under side would by sinking into the clay be protected, and remain uninjured. He very ingeniously proved the correctness of his views by casting plaster of Paris on some specimens as they lay in the quarry, thus forming a solid bed for the upper surface, and then turning them over, he carefully washed off the clay, and found the arms perfect as he had antici- pated. The entire structure of these delicate organs was thus fully demonstrated.
The stem of the Apiocrinus contained about 150 joints, the body about 50, and the arms and tentacles together about 8000, forming a total of no fewer than 8200 bones in the complete animal. The more perfectly preserved specimens often retain a pink or light purple tinge, doubtless the remains of their original colour.
The period during which the Apiocrinites flourished in such great profusion, was comparatively short, as their remains are principally confined to a few inches only in depth on the surface of the Oolite.
Sir Charles Lyell in his Manual of Geology, speaks of a sudden irruption of water charged with mud, which broke the stone lilies short off near the roots: but I would suggest another cause for their partial destruction, to which I believe Sir Charles himself would not object. As proved by Mr. Pearce, the Apiocrinites were
S. Bradford Clay and its Fossils.
subjected to the action of the waves after they had fallen down upon the bottom of the sea, which could not have been the case had they been suddenly covered up with a considerable bed of clay. Instead of the catastrophe of mud, it is I think more probable that the clay was very gradually deposited; and as it accumulated, it would in process of time, form a sea bottom totally unfit for the attachment of the roots of these animals. They could not fix themselves upon a bed of soft clay, and consequently, although their remains are found thinly scattered through some of the upper rocks, they ceased to exist in this particular neighbourhood, as soon as the change in the sea bottom rendered it unsuitable to their habits. It is most probable, that like the fry of many other animals (the oyster, &c.,) which are fixed to the rocks in the adult stage of their existence, the young Apiocrinites were furnished with organs of locomotion, so that they could rove about and suit themselves as to the place of their permanent habitation.
D’Orbigny the French naturalist, speaking of the habitation of the Apiocrinide says, “All the species being fossil, it would seem difficult to define their mode of existence. If, however, I may judge from the places where they lived, and where I have found them in abundance, still in situ, I should say that in the lower coral banks of the different geological epochs, they lived in the great cavities of the coral rocks. Here at least, near Rochelle, my father and I have always found them with their roots, the stem and top being still either in a vertical position, or lying by the side. There is reason to think that they sometimes lived at great depths in the bosom of the ocean, either in places where the cur- rents were but little felt, or in the cavities of the corals, where the waves and currents could not disturb them. There fixed by their roots, their stems erect, their graceful heads crowned with their many flexible arms, they could spread themselves out, and wait for their prey, in a position exactly the reverse of that of the Asteria, and other Echinoderms, which always have the mouth beneath, instead of above them, like the Crinoides.”’
The first recognisable figures of Apiocrinites published, were by Luid a Welshman, in 1699 ;. but the French naturalists, Bourguet
By Mr. Cunnington, F.G.S. 9
and Guettare, about the middle of the next century gave much more complete representations. Walcott, in 1775, in his work en- titled “Descriptions of Petrifactions found near Bath,” figures the Bradford clay Apiocrinus in the name of Entrochus. In 1811 we have a full and interesting description of this fossil, with excellent engravings, published by Parkinson, and in compliment to him, it is now known by the name of Apiocrinus Parkinsoni. Since his time, many other authors have given attention to the Crinoides, more es- pecially Miller, who in 1821 published his elaborate work entitled ‘“‘Natural History of the Crinoidea,” and the late Alcide d’Orbigny whose admirable “Histoire Naturelle des Crindides,” is illustrated with very beautiful engravings. The late Mr. Channing Pearce wrote a description of the Bradford clay and of the Apiocrinus, which was read before the Geological Society, May 29th, 1833.
We are indeed most abundantly supplied with books of reference, but allow me to remark, en passant, that to the geologist no know- ledge of his science is so valuable as that which is the result of his own observation and research.
In the “Annals and Magazine of Natural History” for 1848, Professor M° Coy gave descriptions of a new species, ‘the Apiocri- nus exutus:” as however no plates were given, it is difficult to identify the species, and knowing to how great an extent these fossils were liable to changes of form, I am disposed to think that it is a variety only of Apiocrinus Parkinsoni. D’Orbigny figures as a distinct species Apiocrinus elegans, and as this is a form which occurs frequently in the Great Oolite, and is so much more elon- gated than Apiocrinus Parkinsoni, it may probably be retained as a species; but a larger series of specimens, and a more extended knowledge of these forms, may lead to the conclusion that this too
’
is merely a variety. Some fine examples of the Apiocrinus elegans are now exhibited from the collection of Arthur Adye, Esq., of this town. The Bourgueticrinus ooliticus,’an animal very nearly allied to the Apiocrinus, but differing principally in having oval instead of circular plates in the stem, is added to the fauna of the Bradford clay by Professor M* Coy who described it in the “ Annals and Magazine of Natural History,” 1848.
10 Bradford Clay and its Fossils.
Of fossil remains which have been found at Bradford, I have 63 species. But I would remark that these are the result of a few visits only to this locality. Professor Woodward during his re- sidence at Cirencester, found no fewer than 107 species near that town. The collection formed by Mr. Pearce is also very rich in these fossils. I have no doubt that any diligent collector living in this neighbourhood could soon obtain an extensive and interesting series.
List or Fosstts rroM THE Braprorp C3ay.
Wood. Brachiopoda. Dicotyledonous Terebratula digona Amorphozoa. —_———— cardium Spongia —_———— maxillata Zoophyta. ————— flabellum (rare) Anabacia orbulites ———— coarctata Stylina Delabechii ? ————— furcata (rare) Comoseris irradians : Rhynchonella spinosa —— sp. a — concinna Cladophyllia sp. sy — obsoleta Thamnastrea scita — varians sp. a ———— angulata sp. =| Conchifera. Isastrea sp. Ostrea Sowerbii Crinoidea, costata Apiocrinus Parkinsoni sp. (large) elegans Exogyra sp. Pentacrinus sp. Placunopsis sp. sp. Lima duplicata (young) Echinoidea, Pecten vagans Cidaris Bradfordensis hemicostatus Hemicidaris (spines) Aviculata echinata — Acrosalenia spinosa ——— costata Diadema sp. — sp. Pseudodiadema homostigma Mytilus furcatus (Goldf.) Articulata, Arca sp. Serpula triangulata Four species of Bivalvesundetermined. grandis? Gasteropoda. Bryozoa. Pleurotomaria sp. Terebellaria ramosissima ——? sp. ————— 5. Pisces, Diastopora diluviana Pycnodus sp. Six other Bryozoa, not determined P sp.
Lepidotus sp. These fossils were exhibited to the meeting, as well as a fine col- ~ lection sent by Arthur Adye, Esq., of Bradford.
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History of Broughton Gittord.
By the Rey. Jonn WILKINSON. Continued from Vol. v. p. 341. THe Harpincs.
Ty next most considerable proprietor is Edward Talbot Za
Wi) & Day Jones, Esq.,! of Hinton House, Co. Somerset. These lands came by the Hardings, whose genealogy I have endeavoured to trace through family deeds, Court Rolls, and the Parochial re- gisters of Broughton Gifford, and Hinton Charterhouse. Whatever
the labour, it has been well bestowed, for there was an especial ob-
ligation to preserve from oblivion the ancestors of that family, to which our place and people are indebted for righteous deeds and alms, which here at least should always be had in grateful remem- brance. A few particulars will be sufficient to illustrate the pedi- gree. The earliest mention of the name occurs in an inquisition held on Guido Palmes, in which one William Harding appears a tenant 1507. The next notice is in the Court rolls of the manor, in which one John Hardinge was (1544) tenant to Robert May ; he was also in that year one of the jurors, as well as one of the
1 The Parish is to be congratulated on still having a Talbot among its pro- prietors, and one so worthily representing the name. Mr. Jones is a nephew of Lord Talbot de Malahide, who is descended from the same original stock as John the first Earl of Shrewsbury. Both have probably the same remote ances- tor. But the Malahide Talbots went to Ireland in the time of Henry II., and the family have continued there ever since. They were summoned by writ to the Irish House of Lords as early as Edward II, They include in their quar- terings the original Talbot Arms, Bendy of ten pieces. They have at different times married into the Shrewsbury branch, and the late Earl of Shrewsbury (who died 1852) included an Archbishop of the Malahide branch among the effigies in his chapel at Alton Towers, and even said he considered that family to have a better title to the Earldom than the Ingestrie line. In this he was mistaken. The Ingestrie claim, is, after all, doubtful: but it would be impossi- ble to include the Malahide Talbots among the descendants of the first Earl. There might have been the same common early progenitor, but there was a divergence before the time of the first Earl.
12 Broughton Gifford.
affeerers or arbitrators to fix the amount of fines payable at the court. He died before 1558, for then his widow Alicia was tenant, and ordered “to mend a stile between Barfurlong and Chessel.” In 1590 (I see no notice of the name in the interval) John Har- dinge was admitted tenant to Henry May, who granted to him, for his own life and that of his son Henry, the moiety of a certain pasture called Barley Leas on payment of £16 fine. The son Henry paid to the lord of the manor half a farthing as chief rent, for cer- tain tenements called St. Mary’s hold. From this time the name frequently occurs in the Court rolls, as belonging to those who were of some consideration in the parish. They stand at the head of the list of copyholders and jurymen. Sometimes they got into trouble. In 1621 William Hardinge was presented by the over- seers of the fields and the hayward, “for that he refused to give us an account of his sheepe and of the common that should feed them, and with violence withstood us, and yet biforre we drove them to the pound Mr. Edward Long provided the forfeiture which is 3s. 4d. and it is yet remaining in his hand.” His friend Mr. Edward Long was undoubtedly at that time the principal resident, so that we may suppose William Hardinge to have been somebody. This was not their only quarrel with the court. I find them allied in their resistance to lawful authority again in 1629, where they are both presented for enclosing ground that “by the custom of the manor ought not to be inclosed,”’ Edward Long in “Bradley field,” William Hardinge in “Mounton Ley.” Sir John Horton in his memoranda, and his son Thomas, mention different members of the family as renting under them, from 1630—82. William Harding had Parkes, and was succeeded by his grandson John, who also held Norrington and Great Breaches.
Henry Hardinge, William’s brother, rented of Sir John, Light- woods and other lands, which continued in the family, till the time of “Widdow Hardinge” in 1682. They were diligent in the dis- charge of their Parochial duties, collecting the Royal subsidies and aids, for his Majesty’s use, on his restoration, and acting as churchwardens eighteen times between 1690—1738. A tithe case, Harding against Golding, 8th May, 1696, refers to this William
i a
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 18
Harding. It appears he was farmer of the tithes here, under a lease from William Hicks, Rector; and after various answers, re- plies, rejoinders, examination of witnesses, hearing of counsel and reading of proofs, the defendant was ordered “to account with and pay to the plaintiff the value of his tithe fruit, his fallen and other apples, the tithe hay of the half acre of land, the cock of hay taken away, and 8d. each calf; the tithe lambs which had fallen, the tithe wool which he shore,” and various other titheable things. But this William had other and more profitable pursuits than picking up fallen apples. He was a clothier; and, like many others in this neighbourhood at that time, by the cloth trade he rose, bought land, and made a family. He is himself always described in deeds as a clothier, and probably never aspired to be anything more dur- ing a long life; but his grandsons are called gentlemen and be- longed to the “country party.” His first purchase was from John Long of Monkton in 1650, of various lands part of the Broughton estate, for which he paid £440 only, seeing he had previous claims on them. His next was from Agatha Curtis, widow of Thomas Curtis, also part of the Broughton manor, a license for the aliena- tion (1641) still existing. On this property another William, the clothier’s grandson, but himself a gentleman, built a great house. He added to the family estates by purchasing from William Prior, certain lands (the farm in the west of the parish) formerly alienated from the Broughton manor by Sir John Horton (1682). He, and two elder brothers, John and Thomas, were the sons of John and Hannah. The father migrated to Hinton Charterhouse, and there his eldest son John, described as of Symon’s Inn, who married another Hannah, succeeded him, purchasing and enlarging (1700) the house in which his father lived, now called Hinton House, and the present seat of the representatives of the family. The three brothers seem to have been alike in their tastes, each of them built a big house, John at Hinton, Thomas at Holt (I leave the historian of that place to identify it), and William at Broughton. Our big house is noticeable for its handsome stair-case, embossed ceilings, and lofty, though small, rooms. It is now occupied by the tenant of the farm. On the death of William in 1788, this, the younger,
14 Broughton Gifford.
but the more opulent, branch of the family, ceased to reside at Broughton.
John, the elder brother, had two sons, John and William, both childless. On the death of the last named John in 1761, intestate, Mary and Catherine Jacob, the two grand-daughters of his uncle Thomas of Holt succeeded, as coheiresses. The property ultimately centered in Mary, wife of Stephen Skurray of Beckington. Their daughter Mary, wife of Samuel Day of Burnett, survived her only son, Samuel Skurray Day, and bequeathed her estates in Broughton and Hinton to Thomas Jones, Esq., who married the Honble. Mar- garet Nugent Talbot of Evercreech, Co. Somerset, sister of Lord Talbot de Malahide. Mr. Jones died in 1848, leaving two sons and one daughter, Edward Talbot Day, Felix Thomas, and Margaret Ann Mary, now living, and residing with their mother at Hinton House.
I must now go back to Henry Harding, the elder brother of William the clothier, and himself a clothier. In 1652 he pur- chased of John Long of Monkton (who seems about this time to have been in want of money) certain portions of the Broughton manor. He married Margaret Gore, a Broughton lady, of many namesakes at the present time, coheiress with her sister Mary (the wife of William Hicks, gent.) of William Gore.
I have traced Henry’s descendants down to their present repre- sentative, the Rev. Robert Bailey Fisher, Vicar of Basildon, Co. Berks. It is noticeable that in both branches of the family male issue failed in the same generation. I have no occasion to remark on any individuals, except on Henry Harding and his two sisters, Mrs, Ann Harding and Mrs. Betty Paradice. The latter, who was the survivor of the three, “in compliance with the desire and to fulfil the intention of her sister,’’ as the monument to the memory of the three in the Church says, “in the year 1782 vested in Go- vernment securities £900 stock, which producing an annual interest of £27, is to be applied for ever under the direction of three trus- tees, appointed for that purpose, as also the Rector and Church- wardens for the time being, to the following charities, viz.:—£20 per annum to a master for the education of 20 poor boys or girls, £7 per annum to be distributed at Christmas among such 10 poor
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 15
persons as have not been entered in the Parish book, or received relief of any kind from the Parish for one twelvemonth previous to their making such application.” From that time to this, ears that never heard the two sisters have blessed them, and eyes that never saw them have given witness to them.
Court LE£ETs.
We have seen that the lords of our two manors used to hold separate courts here, the spiritual lord at Monkton, the temporal at Broughton. We have also learnt how the former was lost by disuse and paucity of tenants, and so became merged in its larger and more active neighbour. Of the Monkton Court there remain, as far as I know, no records. The rolls of the Broughton court leet and court Baron date from 1544, Robert May and Sir John Talbot being the lords. This was the date also of Robert May’s purchase from Sir Richard Bruges, and in fact the existing records relate solely to that half of the manor which was Catharine Gifford’s. Many of the earlier rolls are wanting. There is a lapse of six years after 1554. Then another of eight years. But from that time to the present, there are no more such serious gaps.
I will give such extracts from the court rolls as may seem to have any local interest, and do not range themselves under any other head.
1558. John Bonham, Esq. wasa freeholder. Was this Leland’s host at Haselbury ? Leland says, in his itinerary, that the “ Bone- homes afore that tyme [before Haselbury manor house was built by Mr. Bonehome’s father] dwellied by Lacock upon Avon.” 1560. Michael Quintyn, Esq. freeholder. And afterwards there is frequent mention of Quintin’s lands. In the pedigree of Long by Charles Edward Long, Esq. it is said, that Michael Quinton held Monkton under Sir Henry Longe. This I doubt. The Longs had no part in Monkton, till a much later date.
1571. “The tythingman reports that John Aust and Nicholas Gregory are common brawlers, and have sold beer in measures not sealed (mensuris insigillatis), for which they are fined iv.” Also _ that Robert Timyse made an assault on William Peirce with a stick
16 Broughton Gifford.
of no value, and drew blood from him, for which he is fined ix‘.” 1582. “Thomas Golding and Edward Somes played at ball (lus- erunt globis) against the form of the statute, fined 6°. 8.” 1583. * Pigs are not to range at large, except watched, unless at mast [acorn] time.” Mr. Gore is presented for “ putting pigs into the fields before the corn was rid” [carried.] 1624. “The custom of Broughton Gifford is that when a tenant do die the day after Michaelmas day that the Executor is to hold it [the tenement], and have the use of his living, untill Michaelmas next following, except the Broad meade and the summer fallow.” This present- ment is often repeated. 1629. ‘They present that there are no Butts (mete, anglicé Butts) to practise archery (ad exercendos sagittarios; anglicé artillery)! within the parish of Broughton Gif- ford, therefore, the inhabitants must erect proper butts before the end of Lent next, under a penalty of 40 shillings.” 1629. ‘“Hd- ward Barrett, one of the residents within the jurisdiction of this court, put dead and putrid flesh (anglicé carrion) into the church brooke to the damage of all the inhabitants, for which he is fined 6°.” “The way across that part of the meadow called Michell meade, which is beyond the brook, ought and is customarily used as a bridle road (cum saccis et fasciculis, anglicé with sack and sumpter only), and not with wagons.” Notices are frequent of assaults, dung heaps (stercoraria), ditches not scoured out, houses out of repair, drocks (quidam canales, anglicé thoroughs) wanted, stiles (climaces) in various directions to be put up, found in decay (to be repaired by the lord), pound breach, trees destroyed, gates to be repaired (Awfield gate seems to have given a deal of trouble), “driver of the fields” (agrophylactes) appointed, boundaries to be set out by arbitration, sawpits unlawfully dug in the street, cattle not pastured according to the order of the stint agreed upon, but above all, cottages built, and gardens enclosed out of the lord’s waste ;—sometimes as many as nine in one presentment. Unhap- pily the court, however right in its decisions, had not the power of enforcing them. Sometimes the Homage complain, “ we can have no reformation, though we have often presented.” At last
1« And Jonathan gave his artillery unto his lad,’’ 1, Sam, xx. 40.
*
1 4 4
Se ene ee
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 17
they seem to have retired from the thankless duty of finding fault, without finding a remedy ; accordingly the more recent present- ments are meagre, while the courts are held at long intervals (now every three years), instead of every six months as in the olden time. We are suffering under their failure. Our high poor rates are owing to those very encroachments against which they protested in vain. Had the Homage been properly supported by the lords of the manor and by the stewards, the population, squat- ting hibernicé on the margin of the common, would have been kept down, and the farmers here would not have had to support out of their profits those who contribute nothing by their industry to the -agricultural employments of the place. They console themselves by the reflection—“ delicta majorum immeritus Cte. cee by majorum, lords and stewards.
I should add that, from some old Bradford papers, it appears that “the tything of Broughton” (as it is called) paid at Michaelmas yearly16*. at the court of the Abbess of Shaston at Bradford. The Abbess, being lady of the manor of Bradford, held a court for the hundred of Bradford, as well as for the borough of Bradford. And Broughton, being in the hundred, made the payment at the hun- dred court.
ParocH1AL REGISTERS.
These begin 1665, old style, Edmund Proby, who happily wrote an excellent hand, being Rector. They have been kept with toler- able regularity, excepting the baptisms between 29th November, 1812, and 25th April, 1813. The entries are in separate columns, and appear from the first to have been made singly and contem- poraneously with the events recorded. During a vacancy in the incumbency the clerk seems to have made the entries, but generally the clergyman was the writer, signing his own name and sometimes those of the churcliwardens at the foot of each page.? The induc-
' Earlier Registers going back to the 16th century once existed, but are now lost. They were here in 1786, for the then Rector made some extracts from them at that date. In 1831 they were gone, as appears from a Parliamentary return then made. I have made every inquiry for the missing volume, but as yet without success. The loss is serious, and scandalous too.
*In accordance with a constitution made by the Archbishop and Clergy of
18 Broughton Gifford.
tions and readings in of the several Rectors are recorded up to the middle of the last century, with the exception of Mr. John Rogers, 1742, where a leaf has been cut out. Good Doctor Proby seems to have been seized with illness 1675, and not to have attended to the Register after that time. His name re-appears at the bottom of the page for 1680 together with ‘Phillip Carpenter, minister” (cu- rate). In the interval the clerk’s hand is observable, but not very legible. Charles Michell appears as minister 1682, and continues officiating during the remainder of Dr. Proby’s incumbency (he was buried January 3rd, 1685), and also during the incumbencies of Anthony Beeby and Nathaniel Resbury, till the induction of William Hickes 9th September, 1689.
This last Rector is more full than any other in his comments and notices on subjects of interest within his parochial sphere, whether strictly ecclesiastical or secular, or even physical. We are most thankful to him; he certainly provided for, if he did not anticipate, the demands of the parochial historian. He resigned in the spring of 1733, and it is curious to trace the declining vigour and boldness in the formation of his letters during forty-three and a half years. When the pen at last dropt from his hand, it was with evident difficulty and with much blotting, that for once more, he traced largely (as if his sight failed him) his own name and those of the churchwardens. In very different style indeed are the decided, rather small, and clearly defined letters of ‘‘ William Hickes, Rector, and William Harding and Edmund Lewis, Guardians,” in 1690. To judge him by his registers and the memoranda there, he was a keen, observant man, not unkindly, but tenacious of his own rights and of the law, very bitter against dissenters in the way of disci- pline, but very zealous too in his endeavours to compel them to come in by more spiritual ministrations. He was not without a touch of humour, was somewhat of a gossip, and believed in ghosts and apparitions. Like most active minded men, he was given to emula- tion. Does Dr. Proby tell you that he baptised, three sets of twins,
Canterbury 1597, that parchment register books should be provided, and trans- cripts made in them from the paper books previously in use: the correctness of the transcripts and future entries being certified by the Clergy and Churchwar- dens at the foot of each page.
:
os
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 19
Charles and Lucy Gerrish, Christopher and Henry Winne, Martha and Mary Lester, within less than six weeks, between 26th Dec., 1686 and 2nd Feb., 1687? Mr. William Hickes, not to mention various doubles, rejoices in two triplets, three sons of John and Hannah Flower in 1708, and three sons of Abram and Jane Cleve in 1720. I regret to add that none of these survived many days. He tells you, 1696, of “Susannah an unlawfully begotten daughter of Judith Bull, widow.” Mr. Hickes’s meaning is clear, but the widow’s selection of the name of ‘‘a daughter of Israel in whom was found no dishonesty ” is almost ironical. He is not so perspicuous, when speaking of “Ii/egal marriages”’ (of which he gives a list), “to pay 6d. more at Christmas.” Are these couples who ought to have married before? Some of them are ticked off as having paid, but full half seem to have declined payment, which indeed amounted to self condemnation. There are lists of the “births of Dissenters’ children not baptised into the Church,’ from 1699. “1696. Wil- liam Chantry, sen. and Ann Goar, widow, were married. This couple made about 160 years. The man 75, the woman about 80.” ©1702. Frances Twiford or Nash, married to one Walter Nash, but never lived together.” 1729. ‘Marriages. John Tomkins of the paroish of Holt and Ester Stevens of the paroish of Broghton were maryed by licence, May 8th. The man was about 65 years old, and was sick 3 or 4 weeks. The woman about 25 years. He searce ever saw her till they came to Church to be married, nor spoke a word to her above his sign to mary her, but by another person, and it was agreed upon but the night before mariage, and were maried the next day, and he dyed the next day after mariage. So that the woman was a maid, wife, and widow within 24 hours.” The further revelations of the plain-spoken Rector concerning Mrs. Tomkins, do not admit of publication. But if Mr. Hickes be rich in his marriages, he is glorious in his burials. Ue tells you 1701 that Mary Kedman “was in full health, about 17 years old, and dyed suddenly in the churchyard at the burial of another.” 1711. “Tsaac Bull was buried, Aug. 13. He was thrown of his hors on Lansdown and dyed the next day. His mother he curs’d at his
_ going out and she wish’d that he might break his leg or ever be-
c 2
20 Broughton Gifford.
fore he came home. He mockt her, calling her snocking
and other like reproachful words.” Lansdown fair was then and is now held Aug. 10th. ‘1715. Elizabeth Aust, widow of Arthur Aust. She died suddenly while she talking to her cosen’s Hunt’s wife and in his house.” The years 1723, 4, 5, 7, were deadly from the small pox, which then raged in the parish. 1727. A clinical baptism, followed by death: ‘Isaac Gay (of Anabaptist parents) about 24 years old baptised in his bed, being supposed near his departure, and dyed 9 days afterwards.” 1727. “Mrs. Mary Bilson who came from London and liv’d in Broghton for cure of a distemper in the breast above 1 year and a half, her husband kept a great number of cows at Totna court by London, and was buryd Dec. 16.” 1728. ‘Edmund Lewis, anciently of Broghton, was buried at Semington, where he last lived in a house of his son’s, Fe. 21. He pined away in a kind of sor- rowful despair.” About 1714 seems to have commenced the Rector’s exercise of Church discipline. He then tells you, ‘“Ste- ven Redman dyed Fe. 5, and was bury’d in his garden;” and in 1727, “Mary, widow of Steven Redman, was bury’d in her orchard.” From this time (1714) there is hardly a page without mention of some “ buried without the office,” or “ without Christian prayers of the church;’’ and at the end of the book he has a list headed, “ Burials of the prophane and unbaptised Dissenters not buryd with the office of the dead, and of such as very seldom or never come to the Public Worship of God at Church.” Here are pilloried among others: “1719 John Geerish one that contemned and neglected the Public Worship of God everywhere for six and twenty years, a daily drunkard and blasphemous common swearer.” “1723 Jane Ellis a company keeper with Wm. Peirce (whose wife was living at Bradford), a dissenter and prophane talker.” Others are mentioned as ‘“‘ pretended” wives. He now calls them ‘“ Ana- baptists,” some ‘dissenters of no sect,” and “ill livers.” What- ever the offences of these unhappy condemned, it does not appear that, living or dead, they were brought before any other tribunal than that set up in the Rector’s parlor, with himself for prosecu- tor, judge, and jury. Assuming that substantial justice was done,
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 21
however irregularly, and that the offenders deserved all they got, one can only regret that their surviving relations did not think so» and that public opinion did not support the Rector in his rigorous measures. These certainly, well intentioned as they were, did not meet with that vulgar criterion of wise counsels—success. In spite of the Rector’s discipline, perhaps because of it, the people became more and more embittered, not only against him {which would have been a temporary misfortune), but also against the whole race of Rectors and the Church which they personified, a calamity yet enduring and likely to endure. Instead of availing themselves of ‘the office and the Christian prayers of the Church,” as good Mr. Hickes intended, they founded Dissenting chapels and enclosed burial grounds of their own. Parsons as well as farmers, say, “ Delicta majorum immeritus luis.”
There are some rather interesting entries in connection with Bishop Burnet in 1711. “ Mary Nutt (of 16 years of age) bap- tised July 18, and confirmed by the Bishop immediately at the Font. His lordship abiding at the Font during the service of bap- tism.” ‘Mary, widow of Robert Collet, was baptised Jan. 6,' aged 50 years.” “The said Mary Collet was confirmed by Bishop Burnet July 21, 1711.” “Dr. Gilbert Burnet Lord Bishop of Sarum preached in the Church of Broghton Tuesday July 21, 1711.” This is a pleasing illustration (and there are many such elsewhere) of Bishop Burnet’s diligence in visiting every part of his Diocese. His custom was to make some market town his head quarters, entertaining the clergy there, and making excursions from thence to the neighbouring parishes. If he were expected, and a congregation waiting to hear his earnest and powerful preaching, no roads, no weather, no floods detained him. He risked his life in these excursions, as readily as John Wesley. The next Bishop who visited us was the late Bishop Denison, when, at the re-opening of the Church, in October 1850, he preached a sermon which will long be in the memories of those that heard it. The
‘Old style being used, Mary Collet was confirmed before she was baptised. Her want of baptism was doubtless not then known, when discovered it was
supplied,
22 Broughton Gifford.
present Bishop of Salisbury has visited the parish more than once, and confirmed here, Feb. 25th 1858. The event has been duly and circumstantially chronicled in the Parish Register for the informa- tion of posterity.
Houses.
There are 165 houses in all, of which 16 are vacant. No new houses have been built of late years (except the Rectory), nor are the old ones always repaired. They are often allowed to fall down, or are pulled down. The inhabited house duty amounts to £3 8s. The number of houses chargeable with it (being rated at £20) is 4. The number of cottages coming under the operation of the small tenements act (rated at, or under £6) is 140, and the whole rate- able value of this description of property is £411 9s. 6d. The payment on a shilling rate is £10 12s. rated at a reduction of 25 or 50 per cent. So that the average charge on each cottage is a fraction more than ls. 6d. The labouring population are very indifferently lodged. The cottages are abundant, but the dwelling rooms are few and small (the weavers devote the best lighted and largest apartments to their shops), the sleeping accommodation is not such as to admit of the decent separation of ages and sexes. Wells are infrequent (notwithstanding the excellent water within a few feet of the surface), nor are the offices convenient or proper. The drainage is defective. This state of things is no more than might be expected in a parish, where the landed proprietors, being non-resident, want that interest in the people, which would natu- rally arise from personal communication. The poor here are not neighbours to the rich. In this respect we are no worse off than a large proportion of out of the way parishes, but we have disadvan- tages of our own. With hardly an exception, the cottages (originally for the most part encroachments on the commons) belong either to the poor occupiers themselves; or to proprietors, who are hardly removed from the labouring class; or to the farms, with which they are let. The owners or the managers want either the means or the will (generally both) to promote domestic comfort. Though there are so many cottages and some vacant, yet rents are not low;
Pies”
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 28
three small rooms and 10 or 15 perches of garden ground fetch £4 a year. The explanation is, that a large proportion of the cottages for hire are owned by one person, who also keeps a beer shop and general store of such articles as the poor require. He works the rent against the shop, and the shop against the rent, so that he is able to keep up prices in both commodities.
PopPuLATION.
The earliest official enumeration of the population, with houses and occupations, was in 1801, and the results for this parish in that year, and in every succeeding tenth year up to the present time, are as follow :—
Year. |! Hovses. | PoPULATION. OccupPaTIons OF FAMILIES. Inhabited./Uninh. Males. | Females.| Total. {| Families. |} Agricul. Trade or| Other Manuf. |Oceup. 1801 114 a 282 331 613 114 35 77 2 1811 || 125 4 || 291 365 656 187 62 120 5 1821 | 139 1}, 3893 383 776 145 43 99 3
1831 || 149 5 360 375 735 184 58 64 | 62
1841 || 156 | 9 | 378 | 3638 | 741 hie Neal | Aap alae eg |e”
1851 || 156 | 11 353 339 692 —_— — — |-
In the return for 1831, it is evident that the families, engaged in trade or manufactures, and in other occupations, are not classi- fied on the same principle as in the preceding returns. In 1841 the birth places were given, and of the 741 then living here, 725 were born in Wilts and only 16 elsewhere. In 1841, 1851, the families and their occupations are given generally in the census abstracts, but not in detail for each parish. I estimate our families now to be 148, of whom 63 are agricultural, 33 weavers, 52 of other or of no occupation. The present population may be given at 612. The proportion then of acres to a person is 2°6, of persons to a house 3°7. Throughout the county generally these proportions are 3°4, 49, respectively.
The population is steadily decreasing. The cause is decline of employment for the hand-loom weavers. We dwell pretty well
24 Broughton Gifford.
together. About 320 skirt Broughton common, then the tide flows down “ the street’ to the church, and over the brook. The two outlying portions are about 50 round Norrington common, and about 12 at Challeymead. The houses edging the two commons are taken out of them, some with, mostly without leave or license. The population is not of a variable character. Whatever our exports, our imports are very few. The present generation, with many before them, are Broughton born and bred: with very few exceptions, the names occurring in the earlier court rolls and paro- chial registers are the existing names. This remark applies to the labouring class, who have been induced to remain by the possession of small cottages and by the operation of the law of settlement, rather than to their employers. The chief names now, and in all known previous pericds, in this parish, are—Mortimer of whom there are now 795, Keen 49, Cantelo 26, Gore 21, Wakely (or Weak- ly) 20, Harding 16, Bull 15, Collet 12. Our Mortimers are of “an honourable house,” and if they have not the lands, they have the name of Ralph Mortimer who came in with the Conqueror and got 131 English lordships for his trouble. Like Jack Cade they are © mostly ‘“clothiers,” and “are able to endure much :” but they do not pretend ‘ to dress the commonwealth and turn it, and set a new nap upon it,” though they have more right than he to say, “ My father was a Mortimer,” and quite as much to claim Planta- genets for mothers, and Lacies for wives. They are not ignorant of their high place in the Battle Abbey Roll. Speaking in con- tempt of the Keens, the “ head of the Mortimer family,” old John,? once said to me, “ They came in with the plundering Danes, we with the Normans.” Nor is this improbable. If the Mortimers be so called from a town in Normandy,’ Keen is from the Anglo
12 Henry VI. Act 4. se. 2.
2 Old John used to attend church most regularly, with his white head and prayer book, though his relations were all Dissenters. Once he strayed into the chapel. The minister looking straight at him exhorted his congregation to pray for whited sepulchres, who carried their prayers in their pockets, instead of in their hearts.
31 am aware of the derivation implied by ‘‘ Rogerus de Mortuo mari.” This is as old as 1306: but I believe it to be a mere after-thought, like that which in grammar derived the English possessive case from the possessive of the
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 25
Saxon root Kene strong. The derivations of the rest may not be uninteresting as a specimen of the origin of English surnames. Cantelo is written in the old registers Cantle, and such also is the existing pronunciation. Cantle or Cantel is one of our oldest words, meaning a corner or piece of anything.!’ Now a portion of our common is to this day called the corner. There is the original seat of the Cantelos. They are the Cantles of that ilk. Gore signifies in old deeds a narrow slip of ground, so that, as a surname, this word also comes from the locality. Weakley is from a personal quality, just as Long, Longman, Thynne, Little, &c. Harding is to be similarly accounted for, ing being simply an affix denoting a patronymic. Harding is the son of Hard, as Birmingham is the residence of the descendants of Beorm (Beorm-inga-ham). Bull requires no more explanation than Walter le bouf, Bartholomew le swan, and Peter le cuckoo, which occur in the inguisitions about 1340. Collett is from the Eastern Saint, Nicholas, who in a French form has given names to many families since the Crusades, Nicol, Nicolet, Collet, Collette. Thus, in this small parish, we exemplify Camden’s comprehensive remark, that ‘“‘ we have bor- rowed names from every thing, both good and bad.”
There have been 122 marriages celebrated in the parish church during the 20 years ending Christmas 1857. Of these 76 belong to the first ten years, 46 to the second. The 6 and 7 of William IV. ce. 85 evidently began to tell on the number of church marriages during the latter period. During the first ten years, 12 males were under age, and 21 females; or 31:58 and 55-56 per cent.
masculine personal pronoun, the King’s palace—the King his palace, forgetting that the Queen’s palace could not be thus accounted for, and ignorant of the good old Saxon inflection. Heralds too have many such after-thoughts. One of the most curious is the derivation of Arundel from the swallows (hirondelles) in the arms of that family, which, however, unquestionably took its name from the town in Sussex. So our Mortimers had their name from a place in Normandy, and are so described as early as the Conquest. Camden says there is not a single village in Normandy, which has not surnamed some family in England. 1 No part, ne cantel of a thing.” Chaucer, And the well known passage
in Shakespeare (1 Henry IV. Act. 3. Se.. 1).
“See, how this river comes me cranking in,
And cuts me, from the best of all my land,
A large half-moon, a monstrous cantle out,”’
26 Broughton Gifford.
respectively. During the latter ‘ten years 5 males were under age, and 13 females ; or 21°74 and 56°52 per cent. respectively. Taking all the 122 marriages, few are between those whose united ages make up 50 years. Thus we add another proof to the conclusion derived from general enumerations elsewhere, as to the early age of marriage in the agricultural districts. How can it be otherwise ? A young man at 20 earns his 9 or 10 shillings a week, and he never will earn any more. Why should he not marry at once, and make his young woman happy ? If he cannot support his wife and family, from sickness or other cause, there is the Parish bound to do so for him. Such is the reasoning of our youths, who have never studied political economy. As ratepayers, we grumble; as moralists, we acquiesce.
The marriage ceremony is conducted about here in a manner which is not pleasing. It is a ceremony and no more. There are no pretty bridal customs, no strewing of flowers, no favours, no stocking or slipper-throwing, no nosegays. That we retain the ring is owing to the requirement of the rubric (they dispense with it at the Registrar’s office), and we may thank the milliners for the artificial orange blossoms. Nobody comes to church, but the bride and bridegroom, walking down the “street,”’ arm in arm, followed by one or two couples more, who are “keeping company.” Parents never think of gracing the union with their presence. On one occasion indeed the bridegroom (but he came from South Wilts) did observe an ancient custom. He was married on a Sunday, during service, and gave his bride the nuptial kiss in church before the whole congregation ; following therein the rubric of the manual for the diocese of Sarum, “ Surgant ambo, sponsus et sponsa, et accipiat sponsus pacem (the pax) a sacerdote, et ferat sponse [sic], osculans eam, et neminem aliam, nec ipse nec ipsa.”
The same remark applies to games and amusements; we have next to none. There were indeed, ten years since, the remains of a Michaelmas revel. Bushes were hung out at unlicensed houses, and the whole thing had degenerated into a mere drinking bout. The excise officers and the police extinguished it. Bull-baiting lingered here longer than elsewhere: there is a tradition of it on
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 27
the common. So there is of cock-fighting: the pit is said to_have _ been where the Rector’s cucumber frame now stands. The moral odour of the place still hangs about it: the only thing he ever missed were 5 cucumbers stolen one Sunday morning. The chief _yillage dissipation takes place at the Whit-sun meeting of the Benefit club. The neighbouring fair at Bradford Leigh used to be much frequented, and was generally accompanied by mischievous midnight revelry. This holiday gave a mnemonic date to “ the simple annals” of domestic life. I have heard old people reckon events, “come next Bradford Leigh fair.” I have known a skim- mington. A mob, with tongs, gridirons, saucepans, or anything _ they could get, surrounded the house of one who was said to be an unfaithful husband, and made most unmelodious music. attern _ cakes are carried about for sale on St. Katherine’s day, November 25th. It seems a pure matter of vulgar merchandise. There are no rhymes, no bowl, no jollity, no maidens making merry together and looking out for good husbands by help of the patroness of spinsters. We do not here realise Goldsmith’s pleasing picture, ‘‘ When all the village train from labour free, Led up their sports beneath the spreading tree.”
; We have no “merry wakes, May games, and Christmas triumphs,”
of course no christening customs, but not even a harvest home. Weare rather dull. The reason I suppose to be the early and continued prevalence here of a stern Puritan feeling, anxious to disengage itself from all observances, whether innocent or not, rhich could be traced up, as many of these, to Roman Catholic
Whatever the necessity, still we may be allowed to regret
‘that many precious rites, And customs of our rural ancestry, Are gone, or stealing from us.”
‘The general sanitary report ought to be favourable. On the whole , eare healthy. The only exception is the common, and this is of man’s making. The common is the highest, and might be as healthy pany part of the parish. But, because it is a common, it is nobody’s busi ines to improve and drain it. In former times, fevers used to be deriodical there, even now any disorder is of a far more virulent cha- weter there than elsewhere. During my incumbency a scarlet fever
28 Broughton Gifford.
broke out in the parish during the autumn of 1851. In three months there were 17 deaths from that cause alone, and of these every one occurred on the common. Children were attacked elsewhere, but not one died elsewhere. While on the common, one in every twenty of the whole population perished. These facts were ear- nestly represented in the proper quarter by the medical officer! for the district and by myself, but in vain. The victims belonged to the lower orders only, children of poor labourers and weavers. Some of these suffered severely, 2 and 3 taken out of one family. The cause was patent. While the soil elsewhere was firm and healthy, the superfluous water being filtered through the gravel or carried off by drains; on the common, where the subsoil is clay, it was a rotten sponge, which would hardly bear the weight of man or beast.
As specimens of longevity there are in the Burial Register 1852, 3, five consecutive entries of Broughton people, whose united ages amount to 381 years, making an average of 76:2 each. But for the circumstance that these entries follow each other, the average longevity would not be so remarkable. I may add that these five include one 60, and do nof include two deaths which occurred in the same year and in which the united ages were 180 years.
During the last seventeen years (the limit of the Baptist chapel entries), there have been buried at church 142, at the Baptist chapel 144, in all 286; which make 16-8 per annum, or 24 per cent. ona population of 700. During the last ten years there have been buried at church 94, at the Baptist chapel 86, in all 180; which make 18 per annum, or 2°7 per cent. on a population of 650. The imported and exported burials would so nearly equal each other, that no perceptible difference in the results would arise from taking them into the calculation. That this rate of mortality is high will appear by comparing it. with a statement lately made by the Re-. gistrar General. He says that on an average of ten years (1841—
! The following is the return made by the medical officer for the Quarter end- ing the year. ‘Broughton Common where scarlet fever has prevailed since 17 October, 1851, and proved fatal to eleven children, is very badly drained and is the most unhealthy place in my district.’’ Six more died in the beginning of the following year.
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 29
50) the mortality was at the annual rate per cent. of 1°5 in three English districts, 1-6 in fourteen, 1-7 in forty-seven, 1°8 in eighty- seven districts. That the disadvantageous contrast is owing to our undrained common, there is no reasonable doubt.
AGRICULTURAL INDUsTRY.
The general quality of our land is well adapted for agricultural purposes. It is strong land, the surface soil being deep, with gra- vel or sandy clay for subsoil. There is no brash rock, not even stone to mend the roads with, though much in the immediate neighbour- hood to the north. Some few acres lying near the clay may burn in a dry season, but generally no drought is felt. Our growth is not early, as in shallower and drier soils, but strong and steady, when it does come. The Monkton pastures used to be of good note in Smithfield, from the very feel of the beasts. There are no more “ proofey” fatting groundsin Wilts. ‘The graziers told me,” says John Aubrey, “that the yellow meadowes are by much the better, and those white flowers (ladysmocks, cardamine, ranunculus aquati- cus), are produced by a cold hungry water.” All owr meadows are yellow with gold cups.
The number of acres at present arable is about 254, of pasture 1207. About 72 acres have been broken up since the Tithe Com- mutation Act. But the appearance of our pasture, in ridge and furrow, the ancient mode of carrying off the surface water, tells the tale of the land having been once under the plough. Our fore- fathers here were evidently corn farmers, while we are dairymen and graziers. Domesday book shows that in Broughton proper there were only 20 acres of grass ground ; while in Monkton there were four acres of meadow and the pasture was five furlongs long and two broad; and this property was increasing in value, while Broughton was decreasing. Wherever we get a glimpse at the condition of the soil, up to the sixteenth century, we find a steady preponderance of arable. There were no means of transport, no passable roads, generally no navigable rivers, no canals. Each district was necessarily self-supporting, raised its own corn, fed its own hogs in the wood, made by women’s labour its own
30 Broughton Gifford.
clothing. The home market was the only market. Landlords and farmers were content to raise corn, because it paid as well or better than anything else. The government was content, because the people were employed and fed. The opening of new markets for wool, both at home and in Flanders, by the developement given to the clothing trade at the commencement of the 16th century, brought about a great change in the management of the land. Landlords found that, English wool being up, it was much more profitable to breed sheep than to grow corn. Accordingly they turned their arable into pasture, they enclosed the commons (which were generally arable), threw several small farms into one, and became large flock-masters. This, like all other industrial changes, operated to the peculiar disadvantage of those who were lowest down in the particular department of labour affected, and who could not turn to other pursuits even had any been offered to them. The landlord was founding a house and a fortune, the labourer was losing all. The instincts of nature and the claims of affection alike impelled him to rise. He joined 1536 the “Pilgri- mage of grace,” or 1549 the Devonshire and Norfolk insurrections, and, being led by those who had ecclesiastical grievances to redress, whatever they thought of the agricultural, well nigh turned back the tide of the Reformed religion in this country. The Tudor sovereigns, and Parliament at their instance, did all they could to help the labourer. Many statutes, prosecutions in the courts, and Star Chamber fines,! endeavoured to restrain the proceedings of the landlords in turning arable into pasture, and thereby throwing men out of work. But self interest was too strong for legislation, especially with landlords for legislators and magistrates. Enclos- ing and grazing went on, to the great suffering of the people for the time. I cannot forbear copying, from Froude’s History, a very graphic description of grievances, embodied in a petition to Henry VIII., from a discontented district, which might well have been
1Sir Anthony Cooper was fined by the Star Chamber no less a sum than £4000, for converting arable into pasture, in Charles the First’s time. But this excessive punishment may have been partly from political motives, partly to fill an empty exchequer.
ey achen BER PETE
nl pe
1.
em
i
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 31
our’s. The burden of complaint is, “scarcity of victual by reason of great and covetous misusages of the farms.” The petitioners say :—
“‘Gentlemen, merchant adventurers, cloth-makers, goldsmiths, butchers, tan- ners, and other artificers and unreasonable coyetous persons, do encroach daily many more farms than they can occupy in tilth of corn ; ten, twelve, four- teen, sixteen farms in one man’s hands at once, when in time past there hath been in every furm of them a good house kept, and in some of them three, four, five, or six ploughs kept and daily occupied, to the great comfort and relief of your subjects, poor and rich. For when every man was contented with one farm, and occupied that well, there was plenty and reasonable price of every thing that belonged to man’s sustenance by reason of tillage. Forasmuch as every acre of land tilled and ploughed, bore the straw and chaff beside the corn, able and sufficient with the help of the shakke in the stubbe to succour and feed as many great beastes (as horses, oxen, and kine) as the land would keep. And further by reason of the hinderflight of crops and seeds tried out in cleansing, winnowing, and sifting the corn, there was brought up at every barn door, hens, capons, geese, ducks, swine, and other poultry [sic], to the great comfort of your people. And now, by reason of so many farms engrossed in one man’s hands, which cannot till them, the ploughs be decayed, and the farm houses and other dwelling houses; so that where there was in a town twenty or: thirty dwelling houses, they be now decayed, ploughs, and all the people clean gone, and the churches down, and no more parishioners in many parishes, but a neat herd and a shepherd instead of threescore or fourscore persons.”
Well might Sir Thomas More say, in his Utopia, that an English sheep was a more ravenous animal than a lion or wolf, and devoured whole villages. Another turn in the trade is noted by Aubrey: but this complaint comes from the landlord class, while the labourer is well off. ‘The falling of rentes,’’ he says, “is a con- sequence of the decay of the Turkey trade, which is the principal cause of the falling of the price of wooll. Another reason which con- duces to the falling of the prices of wooll is our women wearing so- much silk and India ware as they doe. By these means my farme at Chalke is worse by £60 per annum than it was before the civill warres. Sir William Petty told me, that when he was a boy, a seedsman had £5 a year wages, and a countrey servant maid be- tween 30 and 40 shillings. But now wages are deare in the coun- trey, from the gentry living in London, and the dayly concourse of servants out of the countrey to London.”
Our commons are Broughton common (the common), Norrington common, Challeymead, and Amblecroft. The law for the use of
32 Broughton Gifford.
the two former is, that a tenant may put on them in summer what- ever stock he can maintain on his own land in winter. But in practise they are stocked at any season when the ground will bear the tread of cattle. With regard to the two latter, I find the fol- lowing entries in the court manor rolls. 1568. ‘They [the homage] say that Nicholas Gyrish now tenant of Challeymeade has no right to common with any animal at any time between the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula [August 1.] and the feast of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary [February 2.]” The meaning is that the tenant of Challeymead is precluded from using that land as common during the period when it is commonable to the other tenants in Broughton. That period is after stated in the court rolls as above, but it is now from the 15th of August to the 13th of February. From 13th August to October 20th for horses and cows, from October 20th to February 13th for sheep. ‘“ They say that all the tenants of this village have a right of common in the eastern part of Abey [Avon] in Michelmead near Broadmead.” This must allude to the meadow now called Amble-croft, which is subject to common on the same condition as Challymead.
Arable commons seem to us agricultural anomalies, but they were the customary sort of thing to our ancestors. In old deeds and terriers, there is frequent mention made of “ common fields,” all of which are now enclosed, and in the court rolls there are such presentments, as these :—1629, “that the tenants of this manor do not make their furrows, (lacunas suas, anglicé gripings) in the com- mon fields of Broughton, as they ought according to the penalty imposed by will of the court.” Again, “ every tenant of this manor ought and should furrow (lacunare, anglicé gripe) his land in the common fields of Broughton Gifford, whether it be sowed or not ; it is therefore ordered that every tenant do furrow his land before the feast of St. Luke the Evangelist (18th October) next, under a penalty of 10s. for each offender.” No doubt, the object was to keep the ground dry during the winter, and we see now in our
pasture very plain “ gripings.’”?
1 The word is good Anglo Saxon for a small ditch to carry off the water.
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 33
All these common fields are now enclosed. I have no certain in- formation of the when, and the how. But from the change in the de- scription of the glebe land in a terrier dated 1783, as compared with one about 1700, I suppose the inclosures to have been made in the interval. In all the earlier terriers, portions of the glebe land are described in acres, and half acres, and landyards (perches), lying dispersedly and uninclosed in lots and furlongs,! bounded by the lots of other people. But in 1783 the land is put together, as it is now.
In the years 1848, 9, and 50 (a period of agricultural and manu- facturing depression), an endeavour was made to enclose the ex- isting commons, under 8 and 9 Vic. c. 118, and other amending acts. The measure was recommended on the following grounds:— 1. The rate-payers would benefit. Some 35 additional acres would be rateable. The poor rates would be lowered by the rent received from the allotment gardens (which the act required to be laid out for the poor), and by the greater ability of the poor to maintain themselves without parochial relief. 2. The poor would benefit. Additional labour would be provided, for the enclosed lands would very generally be broken up. Allotment gardens would be laid out. These would be managed by “allotment-wardens,” the in- cumbent, aud three parishioners (one being churchwarden) elected by the rate-payers, under the following regulations: the quantity not to exceed a quarter of an acre per family; the rent not to be un- der that given for farming land in the neighbourhood, with the addition of all rates and taxes; no tenement whatever to be erected; and any other regulations which the wardens may make not incon- sistent with the act. It would seem that these rules would abun- dantly guard against abuse, and that anything like the Irish cottier system would be impossible. But if not, the discretionary powers of the wardens, prompted by self interest, would provide an instant remedy. It would have been well, if the commons had been en- closed long ago. There is already an Irish cottier population, which is altogether owing to the erection of dwelling houses on
1A furlong is a section of an open or commonable field prior to an enclosure taking place,
D
34 Broughton Gifford.
pieces of land, gained by old encroachments on the common. 3. The improvement in the health of the adjoining population. In winter Broughton common is hardly passable, even in summer the wet rises under your feet. The subsoil is clay. Towards evening, a fog settles over the whole. A low fever breaks out occasionally.} The drainage, for which there is every facility, would be an effec- tual remedy. In all old documents this common is called Brough- ton Marsh. 4. The expenses of the enclosure would be small. They have been estimated by a most competent surveyor at £250, inclu- ding new roads, footpaths, fences, and other works, together with legal and valuing charges. These expenses would be met by the sale of frontages and odd corners, which would fetch an ‘‘accommo- dation” price. 5. The tenants were most favourable. Without an exception, all the principal tenants signed an address to their landlords in favour of the measure. One of the largest renters said, that if he had twenty hands, he would hold them up for the enclosure. 6. The landlords were favourable. The requisite form of proposal to the Inclosure commissioners was signed by persons representing interests far more in value than the act required. Probably few measures, involving the rights and feelings of many, were ever proposed with a greater amount of agreement.
The following is the disposition of the arable land in the summer
of 1858. ACRES.
Wheat - . - 97 Barley - - - 20 Oats - - 18 Beans - - - 24 Peas - - - 10 Turnips - - . 20 Sweeds - - - 20 Mangold - . - 25 Green crops. - - 20
254
Of the pasture, about 700 are shut up for hay, leaving 507 for feed.
1A melancholy proof of the truth of these representations was given by the mortality in the autumn of 1851, as I have already shown.
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 35
During the last ten years agricultural improvement has been largely developed in this district. The application of artificial manures to arable land has much increased. Now, as a general rule, a farmer will drill in superphosphate, or guano, and burnt ashes, with his roots. Such practise was formerly quite exceptional. In the field, new and improved implements have been introduced : no one chooses now to be without Bentall’s broad-share, to work his stubbles and clean his land. I have seen the flail displaced by the threshing machine with horse power, which in its turn has given way to the travelling steam engine. The ear misses the tapping on the barn floor, but I do not think the labourer misses the work. He used to destroy the machine ; he has come round to think flou- rishing a big stick round his head to be rather slow. He finds that a saving of labour one way increases production, which provides labour another way.
As to stock we have some very handsome cows, of the most ap- proved breeds. There is a pack before my windows which will match with any in Wilts. We reckon that a fair cow will give about seven quarts of milk a day, one time with another; or 475 gallons for (say) 275 daysin the year. Our cheese has a very good name. The estimate of produce is 4 cwt. per cow per annum per three acres. Or, a pack of 50 cows on 180 acres will produce 10 tons of cheese in a year. This does not mean that a cow will consume all the grass and hay of three acres, for other things will be main- tained; but cows, and in fact all stock, require change, in order to do well.
Our live stock in the summer of 1858 may be thus roughly re- turned :—
Horses - - 32 Graziers - - 40 Colts - - 10 Wethers - - 100 Milch Cows - 270 Young Sheep - 300 Calves - - 50 Ewes and Lambs 200 Oxen - - 30 Swine - - 250
Garden allotments were provided for the labouring poor by the Rector in 1852. The results of this system are greatly dependent on the quantity of land held by each occupier. No family should
D2
36 Broughton Gifford.
have more than a quarter of an acre. The labourer must not be tempted to turn small farmer. He will do himself no good by any such ambition. He cannot possibly successfully compete with the capital, organization, and machinery of the regular farmer. But, gens humana ruit per vetitum nefas. He aspires to be his own mas- ter, and if you give him the chance, he will try it on, and ruin himself in the attempt. Such is the struggle for land that the labourer very much exaggerates the good which 40 perches do him. If he were to keep an account of the labour expended on his ground, and value that labour at the rate which he himself receives from the farmer, he would find that his pig, his potatoes, and his other produce cost him dear. But then, there is the occupation of odd hours, the something for the wife and children to do, the in- dependent position, the procuring vegetables which are not to be purchased, the interest in working for oneself, the pride in the re- sults however painfully attained, the health gained—all this is not estimated by the political economist, but it is worth paying for, if happiness be a good. So perhaps the labourer is right after all.
Our home supply of labour is generally sufficient all the year round. There is some excess of supply over demand in the winter; and, during the pressure of the hay and corn harvests, some turn their hands to out-door work, who are not usually so employed. Wages are paid in hard cash. There is nothing like the truck system, said to exist in some localities, of so much tail corn, wood, &c., to make up scanty money payments.
ManvuracrurinGe INpDusSTRY.
Our hand-loom weavers, whose numbers are rather more than half our agriculturists, work at their own homes, in their weaving “shops,” many hours for little money. When in full employment they are fourteen hours a day at it, hands, arms, legs, and feet in full play. A good weaver can turn out four, five, or six yards per day, for which he receives 10d., 8d., or 6d. per yard. But this is not all profit. He has to pay perhaps two children, at least one to change shuttles for him. Another child “quillies.” Besides, he is subject to deductions for all faults. Nor is he thus employed every day. If
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 37
trade be very brisk, he may reckon on five days of such work each week: often he has to be content with three, or none. On the whole, it may be questioned whether he is better off than his agri- cultural brother, as regards means of living: in respect of strength and health, he is certainly in a worse condition. Nor is the pros- pect before him re-assuring. That he has so long held his own against the steam power-looms of the factory is a marvel to all ob- servers, a strong evidence of his skill, endurance, and energy. Time was, when the weaver kept his hackney or pony on the common, and drove backwards and forwards with his “ goods”’ to his master at Trowbridge in style. Now he is compelled to trudge a-foot, driving a pair of hand-trucks before him; and is glad enough to bring back a “chain” with him, after hanging about master’s office all day for it. Within the last few years, the de- scription of cloth thus manufactured has entirely changed. It used to be all “broad.”’ Now none is so. The power-looms do all this. Our cloth is “narrow,” “fancy stuffs” for summer wear, jacket- ings, trouserings, and waistcoatings. That the hand-loom weaver retains this slender portion of the trade is greatly owing to the circumstance, that the master manufacturer doubts as yet, whether it be worth his while to lay out his capital in the purchase of looms and machinery, specially adapted to this kind of cloth. Were his orders greater, and likely to be permanent, he would imitate his Yorkshire confrere, enlarge his mill, and do all there. With this indifferent present, and worse future before him, why does not the weaver turn his hand to something else? Why not become an agricultural labourer ? Employment on the land is increasing and will increase. This is easier said than done. Transplanting full grown trees is an operation attended with very poor success. In- _ door and out-door habits, the loom and the plough, the shuttle and _ the sickle, the soft hand and the hard hand, cannot be interchanged _ at pleasure. The female Spitalfields silk weaver dares not even do the household work about her own house: her hand would be “furry,” would catch the delicate threads like briars, and the “goods” would be spoilt. The nervous system must be cared for, _ though of course not so carefully, where wool is the material. Be-
38 Broughton Gifford.
sides, no employment requires a longer education or greater natural powers of observation, than that of the agricultural labourer. Small wits may sneer at him as uncultivated ; but the eye, the hand, and the judgment, which can mark out a field into ridges, turning up a furrow straight as an arrow from end to end, the intelligence which can detect so well something ailing in thestock from the touch of the skin, the appearance of the eye or hair, when to an ordinary observer there is nothing calculated to excite attention; these things demand considerable natural powers, improved and strengthened by sharp observation. I have officiated both in town and country, and I consider the agricultural labourer a more agreeable conver- sationist than his civic brother; his range of observance is larger, his employment is less special, his topics have more general interest.
Parocui1aAL Economy.
The Parish is in the Bradford Union, and the average number of persons in receipt of relief is 52, of whom 48 are out-door, and 9 in-door paupers. So that 8°7 of the population are receiving re- lief. The allowance per week per head of the entirely destitute is 2s. 6d. The rest are lower, according to their means. I am not aware that any degradation is attached to the receipt of parish pay. That is an old fashioned idea which has passed away with the wearing of pauper badges. We should all get on the parish pay book, if we could. The indignity and the allowance would be pocketed together. Such is human nature. Happily human na- ture provides the remedy also. The same self interest which prompts the demand of the recipient, sharpens the investigations of the paymaster. Alter either side of the proportion, and you give selfishness play on the other side, and do what you can to bring ruin on both sides. Before the Poor Law Amendment Act our rates were nearly double their present amount. The rate-payer was on the road to insolvency. Out of his hard earned profits he had to maintain a weaving population who did not care to do, per- haps could not do, such out-door labour as he could supply. The poor were gradually becoming poorer, as is always the case with those who are taught to rely on others. Why should they work?
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 39
They could have 1s. 6d. per week per head from the justices, for the asking, and with a long family that was better than wages. “ Broughton would not long have been Broughton, at that rate,” a farmer once said to me. We are mending now, though still there are things against us. The rate-payers are better able to live. The poor acknowledge that they are better off. I know a family which used regularly to receive 9s. per week under the old system, but have maintained themselves ever since, and feel hap- pier, to their own surprise. We are still held back by the cottier weaving population on the skirts of the commons, and by two ad- joining “close” parishes. There being no cottages in these parishes, the labourers there dwell here, and so come on our rates when they are in want, though in no way contributing by their industry to our wants.
Means oF CoMMUNICATION.
We have the remains of an old pack road. It enters our parish from the west, by a hedge one mile and a half in length (said to be the longest in the large parish of Bradford): it crossed the brook close to Mill farm by a bridge, which fell in while a horse was crossing about 1812, and the foundations of which are now visible. From this point the road diverged, one branch going to the ford over the Avon above Monkton, the other passing Holmbrook to Shurnell. Both branches are easily traced, particularly the one by Monkton. On crossing the river, this last turned to the east, and even now exists in all its integrity of deep holes and sharp turnings round the corners of fields, with the greatest possible respect for private boundaries and rights, with none whatever for the public convenience. Such crooked paths as these are signs of peaceful times. The straight Roman roads are memorials of a conquest, and of forced labour; ve victis was all the answer given by the Roman engineers to the remonstrances of the British proprietor. They were made as much by the sword, as by the spade.
In the year 1762 an act was passed “for repairing, widening, turning, and shortening the road leading from Forrard’s common, in the parish of Bradford, through Holt and Melksham to Homan’s
40 Broughton Gifford.
stile in the parish of Lacock; and for completing a communication between the said road and the Bath turnpike road on Kingsdown hill.” Hence arose a great change in our means of communication. The road which now runs along the south of the parish, between Holt and Melksham, was then cut; so also was the road across the common. The then existing roads were improved. For the new road a portion of the glebe was. taken, which Mr. Robert Addams Hickes, the then rector, thus commemorates in a terrier dated 1783. “N.B. About 20 years ago on making a Turnpike road from Melk- sham to Holt, Bradford, &c., rather more than an acre and a half was taken from the glebe through part of which the road passes. The turnpike commissioners valued this ground at £50, gave a bond for this money to Mr. Hickes the incumbent, and agreed to pay the interest of this sum, viz. 50s. per annum, to Mr. Hickes and his successors for ever.” The commissioners were too much for good easy Mr. Hickes and his successors. The whole transac- tion was illegal. They had no power to give a bond instead of money. Their paper was not the ‘Government securities” re- quired in the act. And so loss has come on the “successors.” The ‘50s. per annum for ever” is now 20s. Had the £50 been inves- ted as directed by the act, it would have realised about £3 per annum; were the land available to let, it would be worth about £4 10s. The commissioners ‘for ever” was terminated a few years since by the Home Secretary. The trust was insolvent. The re- pairs of the roads were thrown on the parish, but the toll-gates remain to pay the bondholders. So that the unhappy rate-payers are doubly taxed: they pay tolls for the use of the roads, which they also repair. Lord Palmerston, as Home Secretary, interfered, by a provisional order, reducing the rate of interest from 5 to 2 per cent., and winding up the whole concern within 20 years. The grievance, arising from the intermixture of trusts and their insolvency in this neighbourhood, is probably not surpassed else- where.
Our roads, turnpike gud tolls, parochial gud repairs, are six niles in extent. They cost us £120 a year. Of this the carriage is about £50, the material £20, the labour £50. The Wilts,
By the Rev. J. Wiikinson. 41
Somerset and Weymouth Railway runs through the south of the parish for a distance of rather more than two miles. The Devizes line (rather less than half a mile in the parish) effects a junction at the western extremity.
Among the means of communication, causeways and bridges __ ought to be included. We have (I ought to say, we had) a “cau- sey,” “the street” we call it, between the common and the church. It was an object of solicitude to our ancestors. The representations of the homage are frequent in the court rolls. This is one of them. “1629. The causeway (via strata, vocata the causey) between the marsh and Broughton Gifford church is greatly out of repair, and ought to be repaired by the inhabitants of Broughton before Mi- chaelmas under a penalty of 40s.” The ‘via strata” no longer deserves the name. An enterprising surveyor, some thirty years since, signalised his year of office by employing the labouring poor, during a slack time, in taking up some lengths of the paving stones and breaking them to pieces; consequently we have to walk in the dirt. Portions remain, the energies of the surveyor having happily been turned in another direction.
Of bridges, we have two, Church bridge over the brook, and Monkton bridge over the river. Of the former (under the name _ of Parsonage bridge), I observe these entries in the court rolls. _ “1568. It belongs to the whole village (tote [sic] ville) of Broughton to repair the bridge called Parsonage bridge before the feast of St. John the Baptist next, under a penalty of £10.” The _ same presentment is made, with the substitution of “all the tenants” for the “ whole village,” 1582, 4. In 1624 there is this entry. “Parsonage bridge being new built is not thoroughly finished, and is to be amended by the parish.” The largeness of the penalty shows the importance attached to this bridge, which in fact is the only direct outlet to the west.
Our other stone bridge, Monkton, was the subject of much in- quiry a few years since. The bridge was “ valde in decasu,” as the court rolls would say, the crown of one arch having fallen in, and the parapet on one whole side being down; the question arose, who __ was to pay for the repairs? The occupiers of the adjoining lands
42 Broughton Gifford.
on either side did not care for the preservation of the bridge, they did not want horse ways and foot paths across their grounds. There were others who thought the destruction of the bridge would be a subject of much regret; it was a handsome structure, with four arches, in a most convenient position for the public, being the only means of crossing the river between Melksham and Staverton, and equidistant from either, being also the direct line of communica- tion between Broughton Gifford, Atworth, Chalfield, Whitley, and Monkton Farleigh on the north, with Whaddon, Hilperton, Sem- ington, Seend, Bulkington, Keevil, and Steeple Ashton on the south of the river. They determined therefore, in order to fix the liability of repairing on some one, to bring the question before the Quarter Sessions. The law was clear that the highway must not be lost to the public, and that the county must repair, except there were legal proofs of the liability of others. The court very pro- perly resolved to make every inquiry on this head, before throwing the burden of the repairs on the county. Investigations elicited that Monkton bridge was built in 1725. The owner of Monkton has a map of the estate, and at a line denoting the bridge is this note:—“A foot bridge built with stone, Anno 1725, in the place where a tree laid across had before afforded a passage to foot tra- vellers across the river.’’ The tree must have been a noble stick, for the river is there twenty-six yards wide. In 1737 an order was made on the hundreds of Bradford and Melksham, not exceeding £25 each, for the repairs. At this time the justices in Quarter Sessions were empowered under the Statutes 22nd Henry VIII. and Ist Ann to make assessments on every parish or place within their jurisdic- tion towards the maintenance of bridges. And this separate rating continued until 12th George II., when the several rates were con- solidated and a general county rate substituted. Hence a common saying about here, when any mischief was done to the bridge, “There’s something for the two hundreds to pay.” It was dis- covered also that the bridge had been repaired by the late Mr. Thomas Bruges of Melksham, a magistrate, in 1811 and 1819, but nobody knew at whose expense. The upshot of the whole matter — was, that the county, being unable to fix any legal liability else-
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 43
_ where, undertook the repairs, and executed them most substantially in 1856.
EccLEsIASTICAL AND Reticious History.
“Gundrada,! with her kinswoman Albreda de Bosco Roald, gave the chapel of Broctune with its lands and tithes to the Abbey of _ Shaftesbury.” Whether any remains of this chapel exist, it is hard to say; but certainly portions of the existing structure are of the beginning of the 13th century. An early English church of much plainness appears to have been built here, without tower or porch. _ About the middle of the 15th century it was extensively remodelled. But the changes which the building has undergone will best appear _ from the following sketch, for which I am indebted to Mr. Edward _ Kite.
“GrounD Pran.—Chancel, Nave, Western Tower, Chantry Chapel on the south side with a connected Porch, (forming together a South _ Aisle), and North Aisle.
1 From the manner in which this lady’s name is mentioned, it would seem that she is a historical personage, and ought to be known. I suppose her to have been either the wife, or the daughter of William the Conqueror. Matilda and Gundrada are the Dano-Norman and Flemish names of the same individual : indeed the component parts of either name are synonymous with those of the other, though in inverse order. Gundrada, the Conqueror’s daughter, was the wife of William de Warrene, the founder of Lewes Priory, to which our neigh- bouring Priory of Monkton Farleigh was subordinate. She died in child-birth at Castle Acre in Norfolk, 27th May, 1085, and was interred in the Chapter House of Lewes Priory. Her tomb was found in Isfield Church in Sussex, co- _ yering the remains of Edward Shirley, Cofferer to Henry VIII., who is supposed _ to have appropriated it on the dissolution of the Monasteries. The ornaments were Norman, and the inscription, though mutilated, showed the names of Gun- drada and St. Pancras, the patron saint of the Priory. Ellis’s introduction to Domesday, and Mr. Blaauw’s papers in Archeol. xxxi.
* Hutchins’ Dorset in Shaston Monastery. King John by charter confirmed to the Church of St. Mary and St. Edward at Shaston in free demesne all those lands which Emma the Abbess proved (dirationavit) to belong to her, in the presence of King Henry his grandfather and his barons at Kaling. Among the _ rest—‘‘ The chapel of Broctone with its lands and tithes, given by Gundrada ith her kinswoman Albreda de Bosco Roaldw.” All these were proved by ‘Abbess Emma. ‘‘Given by the hand of Henry de Welle, Archdeacon of Wells at Norh. . . 23 May a,x. 7, 1205.”
44 Broughton Gifford.
Length. Width. Measurements— Chancel 23 ft. 2 in. 14 ft. Nave 44 ft. 6in. 14 ft. Tower 12 ft. V1 ff. Porch 10 ft. 10 in. 9 ft. 3-1: Chantry Chapel 20 ft. 6 in. 10 ft. 8 in. North Aisle 41 ft. 8in. 11 fe" in
“CHANCEL.—The east window, of three lights, is of a late cha- racter, in the south wall a Priest’s door with trefoil-head; on the east side of this a square headed two light window of Decorated date, the tracery forming an inverted trefoil; a stone seat formed in the recess of the window, which may have served as sedilia; close to this eastward is a trefoil-headed piscina. On the west side of the Priest’s door is a narrow light, also trefoil-headed. The Chancel Arch, which is of two chamfered orders, springs from semi-octagonal shafts. In the north wall a late window of two lights. Ceiling plastered over, but the roof externally of good pitch.
“‘Nave.—This is divided from the North Aisle by a series of five pointed arches, of the Early English style, springing from three massive circular piers and two responds. The arches are of two chamfered orders with hoodmoulds. Roof of plaster.
“Towrr.'—The Tower is of three stages, and terminates with a row of continuous battlements. On the north side is a square turret, also embattled, and rising to the height of the tower. The buttresses are of three sets-off and terminate at the stringcourse, between the middle and upper stages; the turret also decreases in size, with a set-off, at this point. Two boldly carved gurgoyles look out from the wall, at the base line of the parapet, on each side of the tower. In the west wall is a square headed doorway, with a three light window immediately above it. The upper stage exhibits four windows of two lights with a transom a little below the centre.
1Qn the south side of the tower are two dials; one, muck the older, has Ro- man characters and no index: the other, below, has Arabic numbers, a gilt sun, and the mottos, ‘‘ Umbra videt umbram,” ‘‘ Vive hodie,” not indicating a very religious spirit, but happily in a tongue unknown to the vulgar.
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 45
The arch connecting tower and nave is without shaft or capital; the moulding is of two chamfered orders, the inner of which dies into the wall at the impost.
“Nort Aiste.—This is lighted by three windows, two of which are of three lights and in the north wall, the other is of two lights with a square head, and at the east end. One of the former con- tains some remnants of stained glass in the tracery. A crowned figure occupying one of the central compartments is evidently in- tended to represent the Virgin; she is seated and wears a cope, the hands are crossed on the breast, the hair dishevelled, and the head surrounded by a circular nimbus; the cope is lined with ermine and reaches to the feet, the edges are ornamented with embroidery, and the morse or clasp, by which it is fastened at the neck, is clearly visible. Two figures on each side of this, in smaller compartments, apparently represent angels, but the instrument or symbol, which they bear in their hands, has not been identified. Many traces of crowns may also be seen on separate quarries, also the head of a erozier, which belonged to a figure of considerable size. The roof _of this aisle is of plaster,! and nearly semicircular ; it is divided by moulded ribs into fourteen compartments, at the intersection of the ribs are bosses. In the centre of the north wall is a low doorway, now blocked up. Roof gabled.
“Onantry Cuave..2—This is divided from the Nave by two arches of similar character to the Chancel arch. Beneath the east win- dow, which is of three lights, square headed, was formerly an altar, the piscina attached to which still remains perfect. In the south
wall a three light window, and to the west of this a narrow trefoil- headed lancet. The roof is gabled.
_ “Soura Porcu.—This is merely a continuation of the Chantry ‘Chapel westward; the roof of the chapel appears to have been originally flat with a parapet, but on the erection of the Porch both were gabled, in order to correspond as nearly as possible with the North Aisle. From the existence of a staircase in the west
1 «The church was ceiled 1720.”—Mr. Hickes.
_ *In Mr. Hickes’ memoranda, this is called Horton’s Ile, because (I take it) the Hortons sat there, it being the aristocratic portion of the church: though it may have been built by a former lord.
°
46 Broughton Gifford.
wall, it may perhaps be inferred that a Parvise, or Priest’s chamber, once existed over the Porch, but no trace of a window by which it was lighted is now to be seen. In the east wall are several small oblong apertures (now blocked up) by means of which a view of the Chantry altar was obtained from the interior of the Porch. Two large stones built into the wall over the outer doorway are carved in low relief, and represent, each an angel bearing a blank shield, and placed in a cinquefoil-headed niche with crockets and a curiously formed finial; from the points of two pinnacles which terminate the shafts of the first canopy, springs a second cinque- foiled arch enclosing the finial of the first and forming a sort of double canopy. (Query, if, on the shafts of one of these, are some shears represented, which would connect a clothier with any altera- tions made in the church at an early date.) On either side of the Porch is a stone seat.
“The earlier portions of the building appear to have been the Chancel Nave, North Aisle, and Chantry Chapel. The Chancel retains several features of “ Early English” date; the arcade divid- ing the Nave from the North Aisle, also of ‘‘ Karly English” date, proves the existence of a North Aisle at an early period. The Tower and Porch appear to have been both erected at the same date: the for- mer is a good specimen of plain Perpendicular work. It may be re- ferred to about the middle of the 15th century. At the same date, perhaps, the Chancel arch was re-built, also the arches connecting the Nave and Chantry Chapel, and the greater portion, if not the whole of the Church, fresh roofed. Possibly some of the walls may also have been repaired, or re-built, and windows of Perpendicular character inserted to correspond with the newly built portions.”
It may be added to Mr. Kite’s account, that the present Porch might have been originally the basement floor of a belfry, and that
the steps (which are now a puzzle) led to some upper apartment in _
it; that long afterwards, when the Tower was built, the belfry was turned into a South Porch, the large entrance made, the floor of the upper apartment removed, but the steps from the basement allowed to remain; and at the same time the west end of the belfry and the east end of the South Aisle were cased over with ashlar.
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 47
It may also be remarked that the ovolo mouldings of the circular pillars are not alike, two together. The hood moulding which supported the roof loft on the north is very clear. The steps which led to it on the south were brought to view, when the Church was restored. This was in 1850, under the superintendance of Mr. T. H. Wyatt, Diocesan architect, and at a cost of £321, which was provided, without any rate, by grants from the Incorporated and Diocesan Church Building Societies, and by private subscriptions. It was high time. The area was divided into thirteen enclosures,! corresponding to the principal] farms, of different sizes, but all so high, that the clergyman at the communion table could not see his
j 4 4 hi :
$ t .
—
congregation, nor they him. The accommodation for the poor
was confined to a singing gallery,? which completely filled up the western arch and window, and to some few seats under it. Another gallery closed another window in the North Aisle. The Church _ being then made rather dark, five attic windows (one for the _ preacher’s special benefit over the pulpit) were inserted in the roof, _ which they extensively weakened. The damp and decay were such, that fungi were growing on the altar steps. The paths were uneven and unsafe: here a hard stone had resisted the tread, here a soft one was hollowed. Some walls were split. The heavy sound- _ ing board was like to tear itself by its own weight from its hold- _ ings, and overwhelm the unhappy preacher in his pulpit. The __ bases of the large circular pillars were cut away to fit in the pews, _ the foundations (originally shallow) were undermined by vaults (the fee for burying in church was only 18s. 4d. a century since).
_ 'Mr, Weekes built a new seat of deal. December 1726.” (Mr. Hickes’ Memoranda.) This may have been the beginning of the lofty pew system, _ which in 1850 was defended here on the authority of Scripture: ‘*when thou _ prayest, enter into thy closet, and when thou hast shut thy door.” #1708. This year the gallery was erected and built. Towards the same Thomas Horton gave four pounds one shilling and sixpence. William Hickes, Rector, gave ten shillings. The whole cost was twelve pounds.” { (Mr. Hickes’ _Mmemoranda). The neglect of the labouring poor was based on an intelligible | Principle. One of the chief tenants said to the Rector, 1850, that the church was for the use of the rate-payers, and that, if it were held that money was to be spent for the advantage of those who did not contribute it, he would be an anti-church rate man,
ay
48 Broughton Gifford.
The whole interior was burrowed. Some of the vaults were filled with water. That the roof stood was a mercy: it certainly would have gone, but that the pillars on the south, which are much out of the perpendicular, incline inwards. Had the pressure been the other way, the roof must have been split asunder. We have now set all right, except the roof. That we leave to the next genera- tion. The plans for it are in the parish chest, and I hope my suc- cessor will carry them into execution.!
We have a brass, of which an engraving is annexed. The lines are quaint, but touching. The age of Robert Long is stated as 46, but this must be an error. Some Long papers in the British Mu- seum (Add. MSS. 15,561) contain most careful statements of the births of all the eleven children of Henry Long and Mary May. Robert, the sixth child, was born 10th Nov. 1574, and was conse- quently 48 at his death on 13th Nov. 1622.
Of bells we had one of renown; everybody said there was not such another between this and Hungerford, where was its fellow. There is a constant tradition that this bell was given to the parish of Broughton Gifford by the parish of Melksham, on consideration of a right of holding a fair here on our common being transferred to Melksham, and that there was a large admixture of silver (some said gold) in its composition. However this may be, its charms, provoking temptation, proved, as with other beauties, its own ruin and that of others. On the marriage of the late clerk’s son, some of his young bachelor friends, fresh with beer from the marriage feast, locked themselves up in the belfry, determined to try the tones of the bell to the uttermost, and for this purpose, not conten- ted with the bell rope, they struck the bell itself with a sledge hammer. It rang magnificently its own knell. Split and frac-
1 Mr. Hickes was the Church restorer of the last century. He enumerates, the ‘Reading desk altered 1725, the iles of the Church new laid 1726, the gallery built 1708, Church ceiled 1720, Church walls adorned with Scripture sentences, the ten commandments, Lord’s Prayer, and Apostols’ creed or belief, and King’s arms Done 1724.’’
2<¢Qhurch Goods. 1553. Certificates of Anthony Hungerford, William Charington [Sherington] and William Wroughton, Knights.” (Augmentation — office, Carlton Ride.) * * * * * ‘“Brovauron. Delivered to Michel Quinton and to Thos. Redman by indenture iij belles.” The sign of our village ale-house has been (time out of mind) ‘‘ The Bell.”
ROBERT LONGE SECOND SONE. OF HEN: LoNGE OF WHAD DON IN_THE COVNTY OF WILTS ESQ: MARRIED MILLES/ DAVGHT' oF THO: WITSEY PREACHER OF GODS WORD: at WHOM HE HAD Il. SONES: RoBERT, FDwarD, Henry, Post /) \wvmvs. HE DIED AN° DNI. MDCXX. NOVEBER XIII. ASTA:SVA abe YI |XLV1.IN PIOVSE MEMORY OF WHOM:,HIS MORNFVLL WIFE E Rn Ty RECTED THIS MORE, LOVING ,THEN COSTLY REPRESENTATION. NS
| The Life of Mann ii ws atrewe Lottarie
Where venterouse Death draws s forth lotts short & Longe. |\\ \|
ph eee rom fraude,and a yet" gue dade
He& shitld Sherlds of seuerall siXe amon ; Drewe Longe: and soe drewe longer ; Aone dates te uncut peer dey daves soands all time to be
fount ENN Da CO MO MMM aoe , del, et anastat.
Brass oF ROBERT LONGE, A.D. 1620; /N BROUGHTON GIFFORD CHURCH.
a iit
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 49
tured, it was sold and re-cast. Whilst being broken up a quarter of a ewt. of it was stolen. The thief was convicted, and died soon afterwards. In Lombardic characters on its circumference was the inscription, “ Ave Maria gracia plena Dominus tecum.” <A cast of this was taken, and deposited in the Museum of the Oxford Arch- zological Society. There was a smaller bell, also cracked, as ru- mour says, at another and more aristocratic wedding, that of the lord of the manor with Jane Lewis in 1732. It had this inscription, “William Harding, Nicholas Gore, Churchwardens 1665. WaP& RP.” Our two present bells were cast by Llewellyn of Bristol, 1850.
In the parochial register there is a “Memorandum. That the
Communion Plate of silver was given to the Parish of Broghton’
by Mr. John Horton, gentleman, of the said Parish, June the eleventh, Ano. Dni. nri. Jes. Xtri. 1731.” This refers solely to the paten, which has the date 1731, and a shield bearing a single buck’s head, the proper coat of the Derbyshire Hortons. The cup is older, having the date 1546 scratched on its cover.
Of our church-yard there is nothing to say, but that it hada hatch once as Mr. Hickes takes care to record, adding, “1698 Me- morandum. This year was the wall on the west and north of the Church-yard built by Tho. Big and Will. Sertane, Churchwardens. But Sertaine, being tenant to the next ground, out of covetousness took in above two foot of the Church-yard, for the outmost bounds
_ of it were in the midel of the ditch, where it was bounded with
posts and rails which stood in or about the midel of the ditch that remains still.” Let all removers of ancient landmarks beware. Their misdeeds may be imperishably recorded against them, while they fancy that the memory thereof has perished.
Under the head of Church Temporalities, I should mention that Henry Longe of Wraxhall (thrice Sheriff of Wilts) gave, by his will, dated 1st May, 1490, (among similar bequests to every church in the neighbourhood), to the church of Broughton 138s. 4d. for vestments.
I also give this extract from Nonarwm Inquisitiones. ‘ Parish of Broughton Church. The Presentation of Robert le Couk, Walter de Gore, Robert Martyn, and Roger le Yong, parishioners of the church aforesaid: who present on their oath that the said church
50 Broughton Gifford.
is taxed at £10, and that the ninth part of grain, wool, and lambs is worth this year, in the parish aforesaid, £8 and not more; that the rector of the church aforesaid hath by gift to his church 40 acres, which are worth per annum 13s. 4d., the tithe of hay and other small tithe, (which) are worth per annum 26s. 8d. There is no chapel situate within the said parish: nor are there any other temporalities than those declared above ; nor is there any one living within the said parish who gets his living otherwise than by agri- culture and store of sheep: and therefore cannot be taxed for a fifteenth. This Presentation was made at Marleberg before Robert Selyman and his fellows, assessors and setters of the ninth aforesaid, 38 April, 15 Edward III. 1341. In witness whereof the parties hereto have severally affixed their seals to this Indenture. Dated on the day, at the place, and in the year aforesaid.”
The explanation to be given of the assessment is this. The feu- dal military system, however available for home defence, was not adapted to the prosecution of those foreign wars in which Edward III. engaged. These demanded money, money was procurable only by taxation, taxation was imposable only (as all the Edwards found) by the authority of Parliament and Convocation, for civil and ecclesiastical property respectively. From the date of the Statute de tallagio non concedendo, 1297, which had been extorted from the necessities of the first Edward by the firmness of Arch- bishop Winchelsea and the Earls of Hereford and Norfolk, it had been unlawful (though the thing had been occasionally done) to raise supplies, either by aid or by tallage, on the sole authority of the King. The Parliament was the more liberal in granting legal aids, through jealousy of royal tallages. The amount assessed was a fractional part of the value of moveable property, and was ealled a subsidy. In 14 Edward III. Parliament granted a ninth and a fifteenth. In the same year the clergy granted a tenth for two years. But, notwithstanding this liberality, they were ass- essed to the ninth. Archbishop Stratford remonstrated, and redress was given. A commission was issued to the Royal Commissioners, instructing them to ascertain, on the oaths of some of the principal inhabitants, the value of the ninth of such moveable goods as corn,
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 51
wool, and lambs; if this ninth should exceed the amount of the assessment made, 1291, in Pope Nicholas’ ca/or (called in this in- quisition “the tax”), the larger sum was to be collected; if, on the contrary, the ninth should be less than the valor, then the lower sum should be collected, and an account given of the defici- ency. Thus the parishioners here say, that the assessment in the valor was £10; but that their return is £8 only, the difference (forty shillings) being owing to the exemption, from such taxation, of the glebe worth 13s. 4d., and the tithes worth 26s. 8d. The fifteenth appears to have applied only to towns and cities, and therefore was not to be assessed here.
The valuation of Pope Nicholas continued in force, till, the first fruits and tenths being transferred to the Crown, a new survey was made by commissions issued by the King under an act of Parlia- ment, 26 Henry VIII. c. 3. This, which is still in force for pay- ment of first fruits and tenths, is called Liber regis, or valor ecciesi- asticus. The return of this parish is as follows: “Rectory of Broughton Gifford, with the fraternity there. Henry Yong, Rector. £ 8. d.
Value per annum oe aE 20 8 90 Deductions. Bic Annual pension to the Abbot of Malmesbury .. 6 8
Procurations to the 18 33 Archdeacon fih! pote Re Balance ne 19 14 82 Tenth thereof. . 39 52”
My next extract! is from the report of the Commissioners ap- pointed to survey Chantry property in the Diocese of Sarum in
* One copy of the report of the Chantry Commissioners (from which this extract is taken) is in the Cathedral muniment room at Salisbury. Rechyn is the sume as Reches, like housen for houses, the regular Anglo-Saxon plural termination. The Reches were the Roches of Bromham, of which family Sir John Roches Kt. died seized of lands and tenements here in 1401, and his niece Edith Roches married Harry Tropenel]l of Great Chalfield.
BQ
52 Broughton Gifford.
the second year of Edward VI. “Parish of Broughton. William Rechyn gave one messuage in Broughton with a close adjoining to the same, 4 acres of arable land in the Common-field, half acre of Meddowe in Broad-mede, for and to the maintenance of the yerelie anniversary within the saide Churche; all which premises be in the tenure of one Johan Diddell widdowe, and payeth, over and besides the yerelie goinge oute, to the chefe lorde of Broughton 10s. 6d.”
There are five terriers in the Diocesan Registry relating to the glebe house and lands, all written by the rectors, and signed by them and the churchwardens for the time being. Three of them are dated 1671, 1677, 1783. Two are without any date, but from internal evidence they may be assigned to 1600 and 1700. In the first, signed by “Johannes Bold, Rector, and Mychaell Cuffe, Nicholas Gore, Churchmen,” the “som total is 36 acres arrable, 8 of Pasture, and 2 acres of Meadowe.” In the next, 1671, it is re- duced to ‘37 acres and 3 yards by estimation, 37 acres and 1 yard by measure, and the annual value £30.” Very high for that time, when the tithe of the whole parish was only £60. In 1677 the quantity is still further reduced to 36 acres and 3 yards. The same in 1700. In 1780 the “glebe lands were measured, and a plan taken of them by order and at the expense of the Rev. Mr. Hickes the present incumbent.” This account is curious, as shewing that the lands, which in all preceding terriers are described as lying very dispersedly (an acre lot here and a quarter acre lot there), are thrown more together; and also, as marking the change which had taken place in agriculture. In 1600 out of 46 acres, 36 were under the plough, and only 10 in grass. In 1780 the whole was in grass. After saying that this total was 34a. 2r. 12p., Mr. Hickes in his ter- rier of 1783 accounts for the deficiency as compared with previous terriers, by the land taken for the turnpike road before mentioned.
The present condition of the glebe marks another change in agricultural practice. Though none has been broken up of late years, 20 acres are now arable. It has been drained, and the whole is in high condition.
Of the Church house there are these memorials. Court roll 1568. “The jurors say that the house called the Church house was built
ae - A
~ obapeg
—s5
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 53
and founded upon a piece of waste ground belonging to the lords of this village.” 1629. “ Also they present that the Church house is situate and built on the waste of the lord of this manor, and, as they have heard, was the house of the parishioners, and 60 years and more since was at their use and disposal; but during 30 years and more the lords of this manor have held it and disposed of it.” The purposes for which the Church house was used having been superseded by the more orderly, though less festive operation of rating, we find Mr. Hickes making in the parish register this in- structive entry. “In Novemb. Ano. Dni. 1732, a House called the Church House, which had two chimnys, one at each end, was pulled down, and the stones and timber used in the rebuilding the House near the Parsonage House [ Church farmhouse]. This House reached from the Lower Stile (going to the brook) to the rails east- ward, as may [be seen] from the stoone wall left for bounds of the Church yard. This Church House was built by one Thomas Cock- son, as appeared by a stoone in the wall of the said house next the Church yard side, in which was engraven a Pedlar’s Pack, and on each side a cock. Some poor people liv’d in it in the memory of man, who liy’d in the year sixteen hund. eighty and nine, and in particular cas I have been inform’d by some that could remember it, the father of John Oatridge, which John Oatridge had a leg cut of, and mended shoes in a house belonging to Esqr. House, in the lower end of the field near the brook, and was buried in May 1706, which House was pulled down about year seventeen hundred and eleven or twelve. About this Church House, after it was pulled down, were noises in the night, like throwing the timbers about one upon another and upon the stones that lay near, by Mrs. Hunt and her two daughters that liv’d just by. Likewise in the Farm House (lying by the Parson’s House, in which then liv’d one Robert Newman), while the Church House was pulling down and after, they heard the treading of one going up and down stairs. Also a noise of throwing the stones that were brought from the said Church House into their Barton, from one heap to another.” There was an old Rectory house here, built probably about 1600. Having fallen into a state of extensive decay, it was pulled down
54 Broughton Gifford.
1849, and the present one built on the same site, from the designs of Mr. T. H. Wyatt.
The following are the institutions of Rectors, according to Sir Thomas Phillipps’ printed lists, as corrected by comparison with the originals :—
A.D. PATRON. REcrToR.
1308 Abbess of Shaftesbury Nicholas de Lavington.
1314 Ditto John de Selewode.
1322 Ditto Peter de Wymborn.
1326 Ditto Walter de Kemeseye (exchanged for Patney).
1328 Margaret, Abbess of 8, Ww. de Abendon (from Patney).
1336 Abbess of S. John de Ombury: by exchange from Fenny
1337 The King, for the Abbess Ralph Northern (revoked). [Sutton.
1337 Ditto Thomas Tremer.
1347 Ditto Stephen Avebury. [Olneye.)
1349 Abbess of S. Peter le Wyse (exchanged with Ralph de
1399! Ditto Thomas Polton, vice Johannis Croxsale.
1400 Ditto Wm. Stoke, vice Thomas Pulton.
1400 Ditto Wm. Frank.
1407 Ditto John Teffonte, by resignation of Wm. Frank,
1412 Ditto Wm. Aas, by resignation of John Teffonte.
1419 Ditto John Lawrence, on death of Wm. Aze.
1422 Ditto John Fovent, on resignation of John Law-
1424 Ditto Wm. Whitmer, vice J. Fovent. [rence.
1429 Ditto Richard Olyver, by exchange with Wm.
1434 Ditto Wm. Notte. { Whitmer,
1438 Ditto Rob. Tonge, exchanged with Wm. Notte.
1438 Ditto John Daldeyn, vice Rob. Tonge. [Daldeyn.
1443 Ditto Stephen Mourepath, on resignation of John
1446 Ditto Rich. Rede, on death of Stephen Mourepath.
1447 Ditto John Seymour, on death of R, Rede.
1457 Ditto John Parke, vice John Seymour.
1457 Ditto Roger Favel, vice J. Parke.
1459 Ditto Nicholas Peresson, on resignation of R.Favel,
1487! Ditto Richard Estmonde, on death of Nicholas Godfrith.
1504 Ditto Thomas Chafyn, on death of R. Estmonde,
1509 Ditto Thomas Gronow, on resignation of T, Chafyn,
1513 Ditto John Goldvye, exchanged with T. Gronow.
1523 Ditto Henry Younge, on death of J. Goldvye.
1 There are evidently in this list 2 /acune, one between 1349 and 1399, and another between 1459 and 1487. ‘There is an entry in the Institutions, ‘1361. Brutton. Patron, Bishop. Rector, Wm. Byde.” This may belong to Brough- ton, and the Bishop may have appointed by lapse. But it is also to be observed, that the Institutions are wanting from 1366 to 1375. Parts also of the years 1474, 5, are lost, as also 1481 to 1484 inclusive.
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 55
1568 The Queen John Bolde, on death of H. Younge. 1600 Ditto John Bold, on resignation of Doctor Bold. 1621 The King Paul Hood, on death of last Rector. 1632 Ditto Robert Thompson, on death of Paul Hood. 1633 Ditto Edmund Proby, on death of R. Thompson. 1684 Ditto Antony Beeby, on death of Edmd. Proby. 1687 Ditto Nathaniel Resbury, on death of Ant. Beeby. 1659 Ditto Wn. Hickes. 1733 Ditto James Webb, on resignation of Wm. Hickes. 1742 Ditto John Rogers, on death of James Webb. 1742 Ditto Griffin Seurlock, by cession of J, Rogers. 1742 Ditto James Sparrow, on death of G, Scurlock, 1763 Ditto Robert Addams Hickes, by resignation of J. Sparrow. 1788 Ditto Wm. Walker, on death of R. A. Hickes. 1812 Ditto Charles Strong, on death of Wm. Walker. 1848 The Queen John Wilkinson, on resignation of C. Strong.
That they lived and died are almost the only records of my pre-
decessors. In consolation for our obscurity, the poet tells us that
*¢ The world knows nothing of its greatest men.”
Some lived long and peacefully in troublous times. The two cen- turies pre-eminently fraught with change to the Church of England were the 16th and 17th. But these were precisely the periods of the two longest incumbencies in the whole list, Henry Younge was rector here 45 years, all through the Reformation: and Edward Proby 51 years, all through the Great Rebellion.
Dr. Proby was not, however, resident all that time. He was ejected by the Commonwealth, but lived to come back with the King. He was of the family of Proby, which coming from Chester (Lancastrian again), settled at Elton, Co. Huntingdon. Our rec- tor was the third son of Sir Peter Proby, Lord Mayor of London 1622, and of Elizabeth his wife, daughter of John Thoroughgood of Chivers, Co. Essex. The present representative of the family is the Earl of Carysfort. The following account of Dr. Proby’s con- nection with Jesus College, Cambridge, has been most kindly sent me by Dr. Corrie the present Master.
“Edmund Proby was admitted Pensioner of Jesus College, Cambridge, in the year 1617: took the degree of B.A. on 23rd May, 1620 (as “ Edmundus Proby, Londinensis’’), and proceeded M.A. February 28th, 1624. His name does not appear among the Fel-
56 Broughton Gifford.
lows of the College, but by his will, dated July 6th, 1674, he de- vised the sum of £1200 to Jesus College, with the view of founding Two Fellowships in that House :—one for Divinity, the other for Civil Law. He provided that, in case the College should decline to accept his bequest, then the £1200 should be laid out by his executors in the purchase of an Impropriation, the proceeds of which should be applied, from time to time as they accumulated, to buy up other Impropriations, with a view to uniting them to the vicarages to which they might severally belong. By a codicil to his will, dated 10th May, 1676, in which he takes notice of his former bequest to Jesus College, he directed that the £1200 above mentioned might be applied to found Two Bye-Fellowships, with- out prescribing any conditions, except that these Fellows should not be entitled to any emoluments beyond what the investment of £1200 might produce, giving the College power, in case the Fel- lowships were declined, to apply the £1200 in the first place to the purchase of the Impropriate Tithes belonging to any vicarage in the gift of the College, so as to unite the tithes to these vicarages. ‘And, also, for the buying in of Advowsons, of Rectories, and Vicarages, and settling the same in such legal manner as that the same might be presented unto and i pase from time to time, for ever, by the said College.’
“Tt appears that soon after the death of Dr. Proby, the £1200 was paid over to certain Trustees for the purposes expressed in the Codicil: and that four Advowsons were purchased within the fifty succeeding years. But in the 9 George II. an act passed by which Colleges were restrained from purchasing Advowsons, if the num- ber of livings in their gift equalled ha/f the number of the Fellows of the College. Jesus College being thus precluded from any fur- ther applying the proceeds of Dr. Proby’s bequest in the manner they had hitherto done, they had to obtain an act of Parliament to enable them to invest those proceeds in public securities, with a view to accumulating a fund, out of which they might augment the income of their smaller livings: and to that purpose the pro- ceeds of Dr. Proby’s legacy are at present devoted.”
Tt only remains to add that Dr, Proby was buried, 3rd January,
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 57
t
1684 (old style), on the north side of the chancel, and that the following inscription, surmounted by his arms deeply cut, is on his tomb stone :—
‘Spe certa resurgendi in Christo sub hoc Marmore deposite sunt exuviee Reverendissimi Edmundi Proby 8.T.P. filii natu tertii Petri Proby de Elton in comitatu Huntingdonie Equitis Aurati qui per annos quinquaginta Et ultra fere duos hujus Ecclesiz Rector, Tandem A°. Dni 1684 AXtatis suze 86°
moriens obdormivit.”
John Seymour (mis-spelt, in Sir Thomas Phillipps’ Institutions, Sowdon and Southern) was elected Fellow of All Souls, Oxon, 1447; installed Canon of Windsor 1470: died 1500. He was a: benefactor to Windsor, and his obit was kept on September 4th.!
Mr. Hickes has so fully described himself in the parochial re- gisters,’ that he has well nigh been his own biographer. It has been mentioned that he was careful to maintain his rights. Of course, next to “ Anabaptists and Dissenters of no sect,” tithes were the most frequent cause of dispute. Of tithe-payers no one seems to have been more disputatious than Golding. Not satisfied with his defeat in his cause with the rector’s farmer of the tithes, William Harding, he in 1720 entered the lists with the rector him- self. Golding occupied different lands, some subject to tithe, others (Hutton’s land) where the tithe was (as he said) compounded. He kept “divers cows” on all his lands; and every year, some few days before they calved, drove them on Hutton’s land, where they calved, leaving nothing but “dry, barren, and unprofitable cattle” and no “fatted calf” to the parson. The defendant did not deny the fact, but disclaimed any design to injure the rector: it was his custom, he said, to keep his cattle during the winter season in
? Ashmole’s Berks iii. 251, History of Windsor. A list of the canons by _ Thomas Frith (himself a canon.) ‘‘ Johannes Seymour, Coll: Omn: An: Oxon. Bocius electus 1447, Installatus 1470, Rector Ecclesia de Broughton in Wilts. ob. 1500. Benefactor, cujus obitus celeb. 4 Sept.” * ‘Tile velut fidis arcana sodalibus olim
Credebat libris ; neque, si malé cesserat, usquam
Decurrens alio, neque si bené: quo fit, ut omnis
Votiva pateat veluti descripta tabellé
Vita senis.” Hoy, Sat. II, i, 30,
58 Broughton Gifford.
houses and stalls until the inclement weather abated, that always on the approach of spring and calving time, he drove his cows from their houses and stalls to the best ground he could get, to preserve the calves. He failed, however, in convincing the court that his motives were purely bucolic, and was ordered “forthwith to come to an account with the plaintiff.” The rector was more successful in the enforcement of his material, than of his spiritual rights. The law could reach men’s cattle, but not their consciences.
The means of education were partly provided here for the labour- ing population, as we have seen, by good Mrs. Paradice in 1782. Further facilities were afforded in 1850 by the erection of commo- dious school and class rooms.
Natvurat History. LAND.
We lie in an extensive valley, which measures eight miles across. Kingsdown is on the north, the line of hill trending away towards Corsham (thus separating us from the Box valley), and Monks park; then (the river Avon intervening) follow, Bowden, Sand- ridge, Rowde, Roundway Hills, and the projecting hog’s back of Seend, on the east; Salisbury Plain, the heights of Bratton, Ed- ington, and the White Horse of Westbury are on the south ; the hills about Farleigh-Hungerford, Westwood, Bradford (the river escaping here through a narrow opening), Winsley, and Conkwell, close us up westward, and connect themselves with Kingsdown.
The surface of the parish presents no commanding eminences, and yet cannot be called a flat. There is scarcely a field from which the water does not readily fall, and yet there is nothing which can be called a hill. Old deeds so call Norrington common, which cannot be more than 5U feet above the level of the river.
In the south, including the railway, the upper soil is a fine mould, resting on a bed of gravel, which again rests on Oxford clay, increasing in consistency according to depth. These beds are of varying thickness. The mould, geo/ogicé brick earth, is three or four feet thick before it touches the gravel: which again is as thick, before the clay is reached. Sometimes, where the ground |
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 59
begins to rise from the river meadows, the gravel is much nearer the surface. In the northern and higher part of the parish, fur- ther from the river, there is no gravel. The subsoil is also clay, but of a different character to that beneath the gravel, more porous and sandy; having beneath it, at a considerable depth, the same Oxford clay. Here, also, the upper soil is of varying thickness ; and, as the gravel in the south, so the clay here, comes near the surface, when the ground increases in elevation. The gravel is known to geologists as “Mammalian drift,” from its frequently containing remains of those animals. It consists of debris and rolled fragments of those secondary rocks which belong to the lower, middle, upper oolite, and cretaceous groups, particularly great oolite, forest marble, cornbrash, Kelloways rock, calcareous grit, coral rag, Kimmeridge clay, green sand, chalk, and chalk- flints. All these materials were furnished in the immediate neigh- bourhood, by those hills which I have mentioned as encircling our happy valley. This gravel contains great numbers of Ammonites
_ and Belemnites out of the Oxford clay, much rolled and worn, also ‘many land and fresh water shells. It has been extensively quar- ried in the parish, for the purpose of ballasting the lines of railway
to Salisbury and Weymouth. So, a scientific traveller, meeting with these remains at a distant station, will know where they come from. ‘There are irregular thin seams of sand in this drift, containing ‘several species of Rhizopods, or Forameniferous shells, exceedingly ‘minute, but very beautiful under a microscope. They are often injured by rolling, but their very preservation shows that the de- ‘posit must have been very quietly formed.! At the bottom of the gravel, and on the surface of the Oxford clay, are found (wherever the railway cutting is sufficiently deep) numerous vertebre and fe- Mora of Saurians. There also, ina portion of the glebe, were lying a fractured portion of a gigantic deer’s horn, and a beautiful piece of ivory tusk, 2 ft. 4 in. long, with an average circumference of 9 in., as white as on the day when it parted from its owner. It was
_ ' For the names of these shells and for a section of our geological system, I refer to Mr. Cunnington’s interesting paper in vol. iv. p. 131 of the Magazine, the sand seams are, it strikes me, rather too thick in the wood-cut there.
60 Broughton Gifford.
placed in the museum of the Bath Institution. Many more such remains would be brought to light, were the cuttings made for scientific, rather than for utilitarian purposes. Descending we come to.the Oxford clay, which is full of large septaria, masses of stone intersected by septa or seams of calcareous matter, which others have called, from their appearance, “tortoise stones,” but which we, with our dairy associations, name “cheeses.”
The moral and physical influences of the geology of this district on man, is a subject which has engaged the attention of John Au- brey. ‘ According to the severall sorts of earth in England (and so all the world over) the indigene are respectively witty or dull, good or bad. In N. Wiltshire (a dirty clayey country) the indi- gene or aborigines speake drawlinge; they are phlegmatique, skins pale and livid, slow and dull, heavy of spirit: hereabout is but little tillage or hard labour, they only milk the cowes and make cheese; they feed chiefly on milke meates, which cools their braines too much, and hurts their inventions. These circumstances make them melancholy, contemplative, and malicious: by consequence whereof, come more law suites out of N. Wilts, at least double to the Southern parts. And by the same reason they are generally more apt to be fanatiques; their persons are generally plump and fegegy; gallipot eies, and some black; but they are generally hand- some enough.” This isa melancholy picture of the state of things here 200 years since. We have not been able, in the interval, ab- solutely to “alter the sort of earth” on which we live; but we hope that by clearing away the forest, by draining, by more tillage, and by general agricultural improvement, (to say nothing of moral and intellectual agencies), we have considerably modified its ill effects, and are the better in body and in mind accordingly.
Water. Avon, Even, Sevon, or Severn, is the appropriate name of rivers whose course is smooth and gentle ;! and our part of the lower 1<¢There is a gentle nymph not far from hence, That with moist curb sways the smooth Severn stream, Sabrina is her name.”—Milton’s Comus.
‘Oh, could I flow like thee! and make thy stream My great example, as it is my theme:
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 61
Avon (so called to distinguish it from the upper or Warwickshire river, though not happily, for there is another Avon in Wilts, lower still) does not belie its ancient British designation. The stream is not anywhere rapid: except at Monkton ford, it passes on, with a gentle current of a mile an hour, at a depth of 10 or 15 feet, between banks 3 feet high which it has cut for itself through the rich alluvial soil.
“Rura, que Liris quieta
Mordet aqua, taciturnus amnis.” The easiness of its flow may be estimated from the fact, that between Bradford and Bath, about 12 miles, the Canal#which runs by the river side is without a lock. The water is apt, whenever increased by freshets or floods, to cover the level meadows by its side. In 1852 the floods were unprecedented, both in height and frequency. That of June 9 was the highest within memory. This was followed by others, on August 11, September 6, November 8 which lasted till the 16th, being at its highest on the 12th at 11
_ p.m. when the water ran into the Bear Inn at Melksham. On the
24th the river again rose to an extraordinary height. These floods
_ lay about 80 acres in this parish under water.
As to its source, our Avon, a North Wiltshire river, rises very appropriately in the territory of Mr. Sotheron Estcourt, one of our North Wiltshire members. There are two small streams, often
_ dry in summer, one coming from Weston-Birt, the other from the hollow below the town of Tetbury ; they meet at the head of the
lake in Estcourt Park, where they are joined by a copious source of water always running. The lake, a picturesque piece of orna-
mental water, about a mile long, was formed by damming up the
lower extremity of the valley, about 60 years since, by the grand-
father of the present proprietor. This may be taken to be the source of the river Avon. The boundary line between the two
counties of Gloucester and Wilts passes through the middle of the lake, and follows the right bank of the stream for about a mile till
Though deep, yet clear; though gentle yet not dull ; Strong without rage, without o’erflowing full.” Sir John Denham. Pliny drew the comparison between life and a river, Sir H. Davy has beau- tifully extended it in prose (Salmonia), Mrs, Hemans in verse.
62 Broughton Gifford.
it touches Foss bridge, where Acman street, part of the Roman road or Fosse way from Bath (Agua Solis) to Cirencester (Corinium), crosses the stream, and marks the boundary South westward for nearly two miles more. On its emerging from the lake, the river is wholly in Wilts, whilst in the womb of the lake, Gloucestershire must be allowed to claim half the honours of its birth. Winding through a narrow and tortuous valley it reaches, in five miles, Malmesbury, where it is joined by Newnton stream, a not inconsi- derable brook, from Badminton through Easton Grey: in six miles, still tortuous, it reaches Dauntsey; four more carry it to Christian _ ae one more to the Great Western Railway ; three more to its junction with the Marden, a stream receiving various contributions from the western slopes of the Marlborough Downs, communicating with the lake at Bowood and flowing by Stanley Abbey : two miles with a wide loop take it to Chippenham; five more, with many a bend, to Lacock Abbey, four and a half more somewhat straighter to Melksham, two and a half, also pretty direct, to Monkton. In all, thirty-three miles from Estcourt lake to Broughton.
About seven miles south-west of Cirencester on the Roman way, where it crosses the Thames and Severn canal, in the parish of Kemble, is the source of the river Isis, or rather of the Thames. Both rivers rise in the same stratum, stone corn-brash or bastard Oolite. The water-shed between the two sources (divortium aquarum), turning the Avon to the south and the Thames to the east, is a spur of the Cotswold range, thrown out from the main line by way of Rodmarton, into the clay vale, bounded by Minety to the east and by Somerford to the west.
It has been held by Bergmaun that, in mountain chains running north and south, the western slope is most abrupt, while in chains running east and west the southern slope is the steepest.!_ What- ever be the correctness of this law, here there is certainly an example of it. The direction of the Cotswold range is 8.S.E. by N.N.W. and its steepest side looks west, while the inclination on
1 The most striking example of the great geographer’s theory is the Scandi- navian mountain chain, with its scarped precipices facing the Atlantic.
et >
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 63
the eastern slope is mostly easy. The spur in question is no excep- tion ; the ascent from the vale of Minety is gentle and continuous.
The river scenery changes, gradually increasing in interest. Here the stream, strongly coloured by the alluvial deposit through which it eats its way, flows between meadow banks; a few miles lower down, towards Bath, it passes through deep and green val- leys; further on still, at Clifton, through rock and wood. With us its beauty is uf a more tranquil, though never of a tame charac- ter. The reaches, now straight now winding, the volume of water,. the dipping willows and bulky elms by the side, the banks gay with the purple loose-strife, bull-rushes, and broad-flags; the shel- tered nooks of the surface, paved with the platter-like leaf, and yellow flower of the water lily; the level meadows dotted with large grazing beasts, sheep and horses; the gentle slopes which lead the eye to the distance beyond, the sharp angular outline of Roundway, the more curved lines of Sandridge and Bowden Hills, the straighter barrier of the Plain, the crowned heights of Monkton Farleigh ; in the mid distance, the different farm homesteads, the: factory chimnies and Church tower of Melksham, reminding of the-
business of this life and the happiness of a better,—
“Tn the mixture of all these appears Variety, which all the rest endears.”
The parish is otherwise well watered. The brook, from which it takes its name, flows through its south-western part. Broughton: brook rises in the southern slope of Kingsdown, behind Monkton Far-. leigh House, close to the Monks’ Well. The water is thence conveyed in pipes to a large cistern, supplying once the Monastery and now the great house on its site. It is then lost for a time “ underneath the ground,” but re-appears again in different spots on the hill’s. side, ‘where the morn’s sun doth look,” in Park wood, in a large fish pond, at Rushmead, till “the struggling water breaks out in a brook,”! crossing the road leading from Monkton Farleigh to. Wraxhall and dividing those two parishes; crosses the road again below Little Chalfield Poor House, passes Little Chalfield and Great Chalfield, skirts a hazel wood, cuts its way deep in the alluvial soil
' Beaumont and Fletcher’s : Faithful Shepherdess,’ before quoted.
64 Broughton Gifford.
through the meadows, between a double file of pollard withies, reaches Broughton church in a course of about seven miles, and is finally lost in the Avon near some fine elms at Monkton. About six furlongs to the north of the church, it is joined by another and smaller stream, which rises near Mr. Long’s manor house at Wrax- hall, also on the southern slope of Kingsdown, whence it struggles on its way between hawthorns, withies, nuts, and now and then a pollard oak, most “ unwedgeable and gnarled with very knotty en- trails’ indeed, the eccentricities of whose growth would be remark- able on a transverse section, till it mingles with its future associate, a fine pollard standing sentinel at the point of junction.
CLIMATE.
The climate of a district in this part of England chiefly depends on its elevation above the sea level, its slope or the aspect which it presents to the sun’s rays, the prevalent winds, the nature of the soil, the degree of agricultural improvement, the direction of the mountain ranges, and the fall of rain.
Our elevation is not considerable. The top of the church tower is only 192 feet above the level of the sea.1_ The slope of the sur- face is to the south. The prevalent winds are westerly. Kings- down shelters us to the north. The temperature, as influenced by all these causes, would be mild. The scenery is that of Somerset- shire, and the climate, both in regard of heat and moisture, would be the same, were it not extensively modified by the mountain ranges, the character of the soil there, and the winds which come thence, Marlborough downs and the high table land of the Plain, both with a porous soil, and within ten miles, to the east and south. The Cotswolds to the north are not more than fourteen, as the wind travels, and their offsets come within three. The Subsoil of that district near us is Cornbrash. These causes sharpen, as well as purify our atmosphere. Neither do we have as much rain as might be expected from our position on the map. Mountain ranges no
1 This information is derived from the Ordnance Map Office, Southampton. As they are not published, I give, on the same authority, some other heights in this neighbourhood, Westbury down 752 feet, Monument on Farleigh down (top) 733, Steeple Ashton church (top of pinnacles) 358, Bromham church, do. 437, Seend church (top of tower) 348, Trowbridge spire (top) 286: all above the level of the sea,
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 65
doubt attract the vapours generated in warmer regions, condense, and discharge them in rain. But this influence depends much on two circumstances: the height of the mountains themselves and their consequent power of attraction, and their proximity to the Atlantic, that great reservoir of moisture for the whole of Western Europe. The hills about us are insignificant compared with others which lie between them and the sea. Rain usually comes, in these latitudes, from the west and south-west, that is from the ocean. But in that direction lie the Purbeck and Dorset heights, Black- down, Dartmoor (Causand Beacon is 1792 feet), Exmoor (Dunkery Beacon 1668), Quantock 1000, Mendip 1100 (levying all those con- tributions from the Bristol Channel with which we should other- wise be favoured). The highest portions too of the Cotswolds are
at a distance, on the northern portion of that range, near the War-
wickshire Avon; Cleeve Hill 1134, Broadway Beacon 1086, are 45 miles off in a straight line. These circumstances may perhaps account for the popular reputation which this valley has of being dry and healthy.
A Barometrical record has been kept for the three years ending with 1853. The observations were taken at 8°30 a.m., and, when the weather seemed to require it, the instrument was watched dur- ing the day. I subjoin a table of the readings.
1851. 1852. 1853.
Months. Means. {Maxima.{Minima. || Means. |Maxima.|Minima. || Means. |Maxima.| Minima. January 29°59 | 30-20 | 28-88 |] 29-95 | 30°22 | 28-91 || 29°56 | 30-06 | 29°15 February | 29°75 | 30-30 | 29-30 |) 29°89 | 30°80 | 29:11 || 29°52 | 30-05 | 28-85 March 29°60 | 30°24 | 28°57 || 30-03 | 30°62 | 29-29 || 29-78 | 30-04 | 29:40 April 29°73 | 30°03 | 29°31 || 30°02 | 30°70 | 29°52 | 29°67 | 30:19 | 29:20 May 29:92 | 30:38 | 29-43 || 29:84 | 30-30 | 29-51 | 29°77 | 30°05 | 29°54 June 29°97 | 30°29 | 29°55 || 29°63 | 29°85 | 29°16 / 29°78 | 30:08 | 29°50 July 29°80 | 30°06 | 29°41 || 29°94 | 30-08 | 29°78 | 29°80 | 30°17 | 29°25 August 29°95 | 30°27 | 29°65 || 29:20 | 30-21 | 28°79 | 29:94 | 30°80 | 29°11 September | 30-09 | 30-48 | 29:27 | 29-74 | 30°38 | 28-96 | 29°88 | 30°32 | 29-20 October 29°76 | 30°29 | 28°83 || 29°82 | 30:24 | 28°80 | 29°58 | 29-96 | 28-95 November | 29°81 | 30°35 | 29:27 || 29-46 | 30-10 | 28-72 29°29 | 30°46 | 29°57 December 30°44 | 29°35 | 29°56 | 30:01 | 28:90 | 29°83 | 30°25 | 29°22 Annual Means. 29°756 29°748)
66 Broughton Gifford.
I am enabled, through the kindness of the late Mr. Bellville of the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, to give his observations there during the same period.
Months. Means. Maxima.|Minima. Means. |Maxima.|Minima. || Means. |Maxima.)Minima.
January | 29°75 80-38 | 2015 | 29-71 | 30°35 | 29:01 || 29-64 | 30-18 | 29-02 February | 29-99 | 30-40 | 29-41 | 29-95 | 30-64 | 29-08 || 29-60 | 30-17 | 28-96
March 29°70 30-37 | 28-68 30:10 30°72 | 29°18 || 29°86 | 30°15 | 29°36
1851. | 1852. 1853. |
—
a
April 29°82 | 30°13 | 29°36 | 30°04 | 30°30 | 29°51 || 29°79 | 30:24 | 29:22 May 29°98 | 30°46 | 29°57 | 29°87 | 30-21 | 29-57 |] 29°83 | 30-12 | 29-44 June 29:99 | 30:34 29-50 | 29°64 | 30:00 | 29°18 || 29-80 | 80-11 | 29°50 July 29:80 | 30:11 | 29-42 | 29:93 | 30°11 | 29°66 || 29°82 | 30°19 | 29-20
August 30:00 | 30:34 | 29:50 || 29-73 | 30:20 | 29-02 || 29°88 | 30-29 | 29-11 September | 30°12 | 30°57 | 29°39 | 29°83 | 80°44 | 28°87 || 29°90 | 30°36 | 29-02 October 29°81 30°33 | 29°03 | 29°76 | 30°43 | 28°74 || 29°63 | 30:04 | 28-91 November | 29-86 | 30:45 | 29°30 | 29°53 | 30°14 | 28°86 || 30-02 | 30-49 | 29-64
December | 30-22 30°51 | 29:50 | 29-66 | 30-29 | 28-99 || 29-85 | 30°33 | 29-16
Annual Means. 29-920) ; 29°812 29°801
A few obvious remarks occur on a comparison of the above tables.
At Broughton Gifford during 1851 the means were lower for every month, except December, when ‘19 higher. The maxima were invariably lower. The minima lower every month except August, when 15 higher.
At Broughton Gifford during 1852 the means lower every month except January, July, and October, when respectively ‘24, 01, 06 higher. But the means run each other very close this year, except in August, when there is a difference of ‘53 in favour of Greenwich. The maxima lower every month except February, April, May, and August, when respectively ‘16, 40, 09, ‘01 higher. The minima lower every month except March, April, July, September, October, (nearly half the year), when respectively °21, ‘01, 12, 09, °06 higher.
At Broughton Gifford during 1853, the means lower every month except August, when ‘06 higher. Maxima lower every month ex- cept August, when ‘51 higher. Minima lower every month except January, March, May, July, September, October, December, (more
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 67
than half the year), when respectively °13, ‘04, 10, -05, -18, -04, ‘06, higher.
The general conclusion, to which this comparison leads, would seem to be, that on the whole the climate of Broughton Gifford is less hot, and less dry, than that of Greenwich; heat and moisture being the principal causes of variations in the weight of the atmos- phere, and consequently of the mercury’s rise or fall in the tube of the barometer. If there be any exception, it would be that the atmosphere appears less heavy at Broughton Gifford in August. A comparison of the annual means for the three years at the two places supports this general conclusion, and shows the amount of difference between Broughton Gifford and Greenwich. In 1851, 1852, 1853, the readings were lower here respectively ‘055, -056, 053. The great similarity, and almost uniformity of the figures is remarkable, and is a sort of test of the accuracy of the observa- tions in both places. The mean of three years is almost identical with that for any one year, being ‘0546 (rather more than 1-20th of an inch), which figures express the regular depression of the atmosphere at Broughton Gifford (as far as can be inferred from three years observations) below that of Greenwich.
This may be taken to be a favourable testimony to the climate here, for Kent (it should be remembered) is one of the driest, and, _ in summer, one of the hottest counties in England. There are few _ places where the barometer ranges higher than at Greenwich. Were the comparison made between the general climate of Eng- land and that of Broughton Gifford, the result would be greatly in our favour.
True, the years 1852, 1853, (particularly the former), were very _ exceptional in their atmospheric character. But then they were exceptional in the West, as well as in the East of England. It may be worth while, as they have never been published, to mark a few of these meteorological discrepancies for 1852, as observed at Green- wich. The general annual Barometrical mean, as deduced from a comparison of thirty consecutive years ending 1844, is 29870. In 1852 it was 29812, and this in spite of the dryness of that year’s spring, when the barometer ranged far above the average. But
E2
68 Broughton Gifford.
as we proceed in the year, we soon find the cause of its low annual mean. During the five last months of the year it was continually depressed below 29. On August 11th the mercury was depressed here to 28°79. On November 16th it was at 28°72. The alterna- tions in the rise and fall of the mercury were violent and rapid, It sometimes rose ‘8 in eight hours, and was often highest, and the weather finest, just before the greatest fall. In November there was only one fine day, the 18th, the day of the Duke’s funeral, The whole atmosphere was charged with electricity, thunder and lightning were continual. This was owing to the disturbance of the equilibrium of the atmosphere by excessive evaporation; for during all this bad weather the range of the thermometer was far above the average. The winter of 1834 was thought remarkable for its high temperature; the thermometer in December being 35». But in November 1852 it was 61°8, and in December 56°. The mean for those months, on an average of thirty-five years, has been observed to be 48°62, 39°: 41; but in 1852 it was 48°°6, 46°’7.
The exceptional character of the weather in 1852 appears further from the measurements of the rain gauge. The average annual fall of rain at Greenwich is about 24 inches. But in 1852 it was 35°52 inches; and that again in spite of the dry spring; in March and April only 0°525 inch fell, one-sixth of the usual quantity. As we proceed in the year, the figures soon begin to mount up. On the 7th and two following days of June, 2°34 inches fell, more than on any three consecutive days for at least twenty-six years. On August 11th more than 1 inch. During August and the three following months 18°81 inches fell, an amount never before obsery- ed in Kent. In November alone there were upwards of 6 inches. The inundations all over the country were excessive. Of those here mention has already been made.
Tue Fiora or Broucutron Girrorp!
Is not without interest to the Botanist. The following is an enu- meration of some of the more interesting plants that have been
1 For this Parochial Flora my best thanks are due to Mr. Thomas Bruges Flower.
Mew
es
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson. 69
observed, from time to time, in the neighbourhood, and is now drawn up, not because it will be found to contain any very remark- able species, but in the hope that it may be the means of attracting the attention of those persons who may feel desirous to pursue the study of this interesting science, to the Botany of their own im- mediate district.
Ranunculacee. Lychnis flos-cuculi, L. Clematis vitalba, L. L—— diurna, 8. Anemone nemorosa, L. L Vespertina, 8. Ranunculus aquatilis, L. Arenaria serphyllifolia, L. R—— ficaria, L. Stellaria media, W. R———_ auricomus, L. iS) Holostea, L. R—— acris, L. s graminea, L. R——— repens, L. 8 uliginosa, M. R——— bulbosus, L. Cerastium aquaticum, L. R———— arvensis, L. C— glomeratum, 8. Caltha palustris, L. C triviale, L. Nympheacee. C semidecandrum, L. Nuphar lutea, S. Linacee. Papaveracee. Linum catharticum, L. Papaver dubium, L. Malvacee. 1x rheas, L. Malva sylvestris, L. Chelidonium majus, L. M— rotundifolia, L. Fumariacee. Hypericacee. Fumaria officinalis, L. Hypericum perforatum, L. Cructfere. H—W— quadrangulum, L. Capsella Bursa pastoris, D.C. H——— hirsutum, L. Armoracia rusticana, B. Aceracee. Draba verna, L. Acer campestre, L. Cardamine pratensis, L. Geraniacee. C— hirsuta, L. Geranium pratense, L. Barbarea vulgaris, B. G — wmolie, L, Nasturtium officinale, B. G—— lucidum, L. Sisymbrium officinale, S. G robertianum, L. Erysimum Alliaria, L. Celastracee, Cheiranthus Cheiri, L. Euonymus europeus, L. Brassica campestris, L. Leguminifere. Sinapis arvensis, L. Ulex europzus, L. 8 alba, L. Ononis arvensis, L. S—— nigra, L. Medicago lupulina, L. Violacee, Melilotus officinalis, L. Viola odorata, b. alba. A. Trifolium repens, L. V— sylvatica, F. aT: — pratense, L. V— tricolor, L. At — procumbens, L, Caryophyllacee, Lotus corniculatus, L. Silene inflata, L. L— major, S.
70
Vicia cracea, L.
V— sativa, L.
V— sepium, L.
V— hirsuta, K.
Lathyrus pratensis, L. Rosacee.
Prunus spinosa, L.
Spireea Ulmaria, L.
Geum urbanun, L.
Agrimonia Eupatoria, L.
Potentilla anserina, L.
ix Tormentilla, 8.
P fragariastrum, E.
Rubus fruticosus, A.
R
Rosa eanina, L.
R— arvensis, L.
Poterium Sanguisorba, L.
Crategus Oxyacantha, L.
Pyrus malus, L.
Onagracee. Epilobium hirsutum, L. E——— parviflorum, 8. E——— montanun, L. Haloragiacee. Callitriche verna, L. Lythracee. Lythrum salicaria, L. Curcurbitacee. Bryonia dioica, L. Crassulacee. Sedum Acre, L. Saxifragacee.
Saxifraga tridactylites, L.
Chrysosplenium oppositifoliun, L.
Araliacee. Adoxa moschatellina, L. Hedera Helix, L. Cornacee. Cornus sanguinea, L. Umbellifere. Conium maculatum, L.
Helosciadium nodiflorum, K.
Bunium flexuosum, W. Pimpinella Saxifraga, L. Sium angustifolium, L. (inanthe crocata, L. Asthusa cynapium, L. Silaus pratensis, B.
rhamnifolius, W. and N.
Broughton Gifford.
Pastinaca sativa, L. Daucus carota, L. Torilis anthriscus, G, Scandix pecten, L. Anthriscus Sylvestris, H.
Cherophyllum temulentum, L.
Caprifoliacee. Sambucus nigra, L. Viburnum opulus, L. Lonicera Periclymenum, L.
Rubiacee. Galium verum, L. G— palustre, L. G— Mollugo, L. @— Aparine, L. Valerianacee.
Valeriana officinalis, L. Fedia olitoria, V. Dipsacee. Dipsacus sylvestris, L. Knautia arvensis, C. Composite. Helminthia echioides, G. Trincia hirta, R. Apargia hispida, W. A autumnalis, W. Hypocheris radicata, L. Sonehus arvensis S——-— oleraceus Crepis virens Hieracium pilosella, L. Taraxacum officinale, W. Lapsana communis, L. Cichorium Intybus, L. Arctium lappa, L. Carduus nutans, L.
C — acanthoides, h. C—— lanceolatus, L. C——— arvensis, C. Centaurea nigrescens, A. C—— scabiosa, L.
Eupatorium cannabinun, L, Tanacetum vulgare, L. Artemisia vulgaris, L. Gnaphalium uliginosum, L. Filago germanica, L. Tussilago Farfara, L. Senecio vulgaris, L.
8 erucefolius, L
oe eS er a ree
foe
By the Rev. J. Wilkinson.
Senecio Jacobea, L.
8 aquaticus, H. Inula conyza, D.C. Pulicaria dysenterica, G. Bellis perennis, L.
Chrysanthemum leucanthemum, L.
Matricaria chamomilla, L. Achillea Millefolium. L. Jasminacee. Ligustrum vulgare, L. Fraxinus excelsior, L.
Convolvulacee. Conyolvulus arvensis, L. C—— sepium, L.
Scrophulariacee.
Veronica arvensis, L.
v— serpyllifolia, L. Vv. beceabunga, L. v Chameedrys, L. iV; hederifolia, Iu. v agrestis, L.
Vv. polita, L.
Euphrasia officinalis, O. Rhinanthus Crista galli, L. Scrophularia nodosa, L. iS) aquatica, L. Linaria vulgaris, M. Verbenacee. Verbena officinalis, L. Lamiacee. Lycopus europeus, L. Mentha aquatica, L. M arvensis, L. Origanum vulgare, L. Ajuga reptans, L. Ballota nigra, L. Lamium album, L. L———- purpureum, L, Galeopsis ladanum, L. G. tetrahit, L. Stachys sylvatica, L. Prunella vulgaris, L. Scutellaria galericulata, L.
Boraginacee. Myosotis palustris, W. M arvensis, L,
Symphytum officinale, L. Cynoglossum officinale, L.
Primulacee. Primula vulgaris, L. P. veris, L. Anagallis arvensis, L. Plantaginacee. Plantago major, L. P media, L. P. lanceolata, L. Chenopodiacee. Chenopodium album, L. C——— Bonus Henrious, L. Atriplex patula, L. Polygonacee. Polygonum amphibium, L. P———_- persicaria, L. P————. Hydropiper, L. pP—— aviculare, L.
P—_ convolvulus, L. Rumex crispus, L.
R obtusifolius, L. R— acetosa, L.
R— acetosella, L.
Euphorbiacee. Euphorbia helioscopia, L. E——— peplus, L. Mercurialis perennis, L. Urticacee. Urtica urens, L. U dioica, L.
Parietaria officinalis, L.
Ulmus montana, Sm. Amentifere.
Quercus robur, L.
Fagus sylvatica, L.
Corylus Avellana, L.
Populus tremula, L.
Salix alba, L.
S—— viminalis, L. Tridacee. Iris Pseudacorus, L. Lilliacee, Hyacinthus nonscriptus, L. Tamacee. Tamus communis, L. Alismacee,
Alisma Plantago, L. Sagittaria sagittifolia, L.
72
Aracee. Lemna minor, L. Arum maculatum, L. Sparganium ramosum, L. Juncacee. Juncus conglomeratus, L. J—— effusus, L. J—— glaucus, L. J—— acutiflorus, L. J bufonius, L. Luzula campestris, B. Cyperacee. Scirpus lacustris, L. S—— sylvaticus, L. Carex vulpina, L. C—— vulgaris, F. C—— acuta, L. C—— panicea, L. C—— pendula, L.
C— — glauca, S.
Cc precox, L.
C—-- riparia, C. Gramina.
Anthoxanthum odoratum, L.
Phleum pratense, L. Alopecurus pratensis, L.
A————- geniculatus, L. A————- agrestis, L. Agrostis canina, L.
A vulgaris, W.
A alba, L.
Broughton Gifford.
Arundo phragmites, L. Aira cespitosa, L.
A— flexuosa, L. Avena pratensis, L. Arrhenatherum avenaceum, B. Holcus lanatus, L. Catabrosa aquatica, P. Glyceria aquatica, S. G fluitans, L.
G- rigida, S.
Poa annua, L.
P— pratensis, L.
P— trivialis, L.
Briza media, L. Cynosurus cristatus, L. Dactylis glomerata, L. Festuca ovina, L.
F duriuscula, L. F pratensis, L. Bromus giganteus, L. B— asper, L. B— sterilis, L. B— mollis, L.
Brachypodium sylvaticum, B.
Triticum repens, L.
Lolium perenne, D.
Hordeum pratense, L. Filices.
Polypodium vulgare, L.
Scolopendrium vulgare, S.
yoy
73
Account of a Marrow on Oldbury Hill, Wilts ;
OPENED BY Mr, Connineton, F.G.S., Fesruary, 1858,
Funereal Urn, found in a barrow on Oldbury Hill, Wilts. In the Museum of the Wilts Archeological and Natural History Society, from a photograph by Marshman.
N the early part of the present year, a man engaged in dig-
ging flints on this hill suddenly struck his pickaxe into a
hollow space, which proved to be the interior of a large urn. It was slightly mutilated by the blow, but was carefully lifted out and taken charge of by Mr. Clarke of Bourton, who kindly pre- sented it tome. I have since restored the broken part with Port- land cement, (a material admirably adapted to the purpose,) and the urn now forms part of the collection of the Wilts Archeological and Natural History Society. I subsequently visited the spot where it was found, and had the barrow re-opened. More than half of it had been turned over by the workmen in search of flints, but the following details were obtained. It is a large low circular barrow
74 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
of 50 feet diameter, and about 2 feet high; situated on sloping ground on the eastern side of Oldbury Camp, about twenty yards from the exterior of the camp, and due east from Lord Lansdowne’s obelisk. The interment, which consisted of burnt bones, was in a cist 18 inches deep, and 18 inches wide, and a few feet from the centre of the barrow. That it was eccentric is probably owing to the materials of the barrow having gradually sunk on the sloping ground. The bones were those of an adult, but no weapon or im- plement was found. The urn was inverted over the ashes. It is of rude early British make, is 16 inches high, and 14 inches broad in the widest part. Like many others of this date, it is rudely ornamented round the upper portion, with zig-zag rows of indented dots, the interspaces of the angles being filled up with diagonal lines of similar dots, alternately sloping to the right and left, except in some instances where the workman has made some sad blunders in his design, and has filled up several consecutive angles with lines in the same direction. It was not turned in a lathe, and is formed of coarse clay, containing minute fragments of flint. The bottom of the urn was so near the surface, that a horse treading on the spot would certainly have put his foot into it. Ashes of wood, and fragments of bones of the domestic animals, were found throughout the barrow.
CHiltshire Gradesman’s Cokens.
By Wi114M Boyne, F.S.A.!
iG cha small coinage of England from the earliest times was of silver; transactions requiring money of inferior value were
carried on by means of black mail, turneys, Abbey-pieces, crockards, dotkins, staldings, and other base foreign currency, as well as by
1 The following paper is extracted, with the Author’s permission, from his work called ‘‘ Tokens issued in the 17th century in England, Wales, and Ire- land, by Corporations, Tradesmen, &c. ;” by William Boyne, F.S.A. Smith, Soho Square, £2 2s. Some additions have been made, from a List published in 1846 by J. Y. Akerman, Esq., F.S.A.: and from some other sources of local information. Editor.
By Mr. William Boyne, F.S.A. 75
English leaden Tokens, all of which were illegal, and against the circulation of which many severe laws were enacted by our earlier Kings. Silver money was coined as low in value as the penny, three-farthings, half-penny, and farthing ; all these were in com- mon use, but from their small size and weight—the silver half- penny of Elizabeth weighing only four grains—they were extremely inconvenient and were easily lost. Small change of a more useful size and weight was required, even though it must consist of a baser metal. In the reign of Elizabeth, pattern-pieces were struck, and a preclamation drawn up, legalizing the circulation of copper money ; but owing to the difficulties the Queen had experienced in restoring the standard of silver money, which had been much debased during the extravagant reign of Henry VIIL., her aversion to a base currency was so great, that the project was abandoned without trial. Pennies and half-pennies of small size, however, were issued in 1601 and 1602 for circulation in Ireland, and authority was granted by Elizabeth, to the Mayor and Corporation of the city of Bristol, to issue a Corporation farthing Token.
The need for small change being urgent, leaden Tokens, generally of mean workmanship, continued to be issued by tradesmen until 1613, the eleventh year of the reign of James I., who then delega- ted his prerogative of striking copper money to John, Baron Harington, for a money consideration ; the patent however was granted for farthings only.
On the accession of Charles I. to the throne in 1625, the patent for the coinage of farthings was renewed. The privilege was grossly abused by the patentees, who issued them in unreasonable quanti- ties, and of a merely nominal intrinsic value, the coins weighing only six grains each. They encouraged the circulation by giving twenty one shillings in farthings for twenty shillings in silver ; by this means many unprincipled persons were induced to purchase them, and would force five, ten, and even twenty shillings’ worth of them at a time on all with whom they had dealings. In a short time, not only the city of London, but the whole kingdom, and especially the counties adjacent to the metropolis—Kent, Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk—were so burdened with them, that in many
76 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
places scarcely any silver or gold coin was left, the currency con- sisting entirely of farthing Tokens. The issue of this patent was one of the many arbitrary acts of the first two Stuart Kings, which tended to destroy the attachment of the people to the Royal Family. It is remarkable that among nearly 9500 Tokens [described in the work mentioned in the Note to the previous page], the name of Charles is found on only 44. The numerous families named Smith, who issued above one hundred Tokens, have not a single Charles amongst them. James, being a Scripture name, has been more fortunate, though it is not so common as might have been expected.
The accumulation of the patent farthings in the hands of small tradesmen, caused the latter so great a loss, from the refusal of the patentees to rechange them, that in 1644, in consequence of the public clamour, they were suppressed by the House of Commons, which ordered that they should be rechanged from money raised on the patentees’ estates. Apparently an authorized currency was then intended, as two pattern farthings were struck, one of which is dated 1644; the design however was never carried out, men’s minds being then too much occupied with the Civil War between the King and the Parliament.
The death of the King put an end to the exclusive prerogative of coining copper and brass ; Tokens (such as those which form the subject of this Article) immediately began to be issued, and were circulated without authority, and, as stated on some of them, for “necessary change.” As they were received again by the issuer when presented, they were far preferable to the patent farthings. The earliest date on Tokens is 1648.—(A few were probably struck previous to the King’s death.)
During the whole period of the Commonwealth, no copper money was coined by the government, except a few farthings, which are very rare, and were probably only patterns for an intended coinage. Silver money continued to be issued of the value of two-pence, one penny, and half-penny. That the government of the Commonwealth was as unpopular as that which it had overthrown, is evident from the Tokens, which were undoubtedly an index of public opinion:
By Mr. William Boyne, F-8.A. rig
whilst after the Restoration the Royal Arms, the King’s Head, and other insignia of Royalty, are exceedingly common.
The spelling of words in the inscriptions is most irregular, owing partly to the unsettled state of English orthography at that period, and partly to the ignorance of those who struck the coins.—Thus, “on,” is often spelled onE; ‘‘ HenNERE” for Henry, “st. EEDS”’ for St. Neot’s: ‘‘oLFA-TREE”’ for olive-tree; “ HORSES sHow”’ for horse-shoe: &c.
The coining of the Tokens seems to have been performed by the Issuers themselves. In the ‘Gentleman’s Magazine,’ vol. xxvii. page 499, there is an account of the discovery of a Token-press and dies, found at Chesterfield.
For the convenience of rechanging the numerous varieties of Tokens, tradesmen kept boxes with several divisions, into which those of the various tradesmen and corporations were sorted, and when a sufficient number were collected, they were returned to the issuers, to be exchanged for silver.
The devices on Tokens are very numerous, and may be classed under twelve divisions.
I. The arms of the Incorporated Trade Companies of the city of London. These were generally adopted by persons of the same trade throughout the country. The colours of the Arms are not shown on the Tokens, and parts of the bearings are often omitted, with other inaccuracies. In addition to the Trade Companies, numerous individual tradesmen issued them, as Coalman, Comfit- maker, Pipe-maker, &c,: as well as Bailiffs, Churchwardens, lords of the Manor, Mayors, Members of Parliament, overseers of the Poor, one Rector and one Esquire.
Il. The Arms of Cities, Towns, Abbeys, the Nobility, and private families.
Ill. Merchant’s marks. In early times, when few persons could read, these curious marks must have been very useful, to enable work-people and others to distinguish bales of merchandise by the particular mark stamped on them. They appear to have been in use from the twelfth century. Common devices of this kind are, a cross, the figure 4, a heart, a circle, and the initials of
78 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
the issuer. Many merchant families adopted for armorial bearings their trade-marks in a shield. They are partially used by shipping merchants at the present day.
IV. Taverns and Shop Signs. The earliest Tokens having been issued by publicans, they have, on that account, been frequently called Tavern Tokens. The usual device is the sign of the Inn. The oldest were often of a religious character, as the Holy Lamb, the Salutation of the Virgin (which had degenerated at that period into two men saluting each other), the cross keys, &c.
V. Articles of Dress sold by the issuers; as hats, caps, neck- whisks, piccadillies, leggings, &c.
VI. Implements of Trade, Agriculture, and War ; as hammers, croppers’ shears, teazle-brushes, scissors, windmills, swords, &c.
VII. Animals: as oxen, antelopes, cranes, peacocks, lobsters, &c.
VIII. Articles of domestic use: as blackjacks, pret grid- irons, cleavers, tennis bat and ball, &c.
IX. Heraldic signs: as a phenix, griffin, portcullis, Catharine- wheel, three legs of Man, &c.
X. Conveyances: as coaches, waggons and packhorses, fishing boats.
XI. Views of Public edifices: as churches, castles, bridges. These are mostly unlike the structures represented.
XII. Punning Devices on the issuer’s name, after the manner of canting heraldry. As examples, there are Bush (a thornbush), Cox (two cocks), Harbottle (a bottle on a hare), Samson (Samson standing), Yate (a gate, still pronounced yate in the North), &c.
The earliest dates are 1648, 1649 and 1650; but Tokens of these years are scarce. After 1650, until 1660, they are more plentiful : and nearly the whole of them are farthings: half-pennies are few in number, and there are no pennies. Those of a date subse- quent to the Restoration of Charles II. are the most abundant ; half-pennies are very common among them; and there isa good number of pennies. The years 1665, 1666, 1667, 1668 and 1669 are the most prolific, in particular 1666 (the year of the great Fire of London); whilst in 1670, 1671, and 1672 they again became scarce ; of the latter year there are very few.
By Mr. William Boyne, F.S.A. (i,
The Tokens were in circulation exactly a quarter of a century ; they originated with a public necessity, but in the end became a nuisance ; they were issued by nearly every tradesman as a kind of advertisement, and being payable only at the shop of the issuer, they were very inconvenient. The Government had for some time intended the circulation of Royal copper money, as we have pat- tern-pieces of half-pennies and farthings of the year 1665; but it was not until the year 1672 that the farthings of Charles II., of a similar size to those of the present day, were ready for circulation. Tradesman’s Tokens were then put down by a stringent Proclama- tion dated 16th August 1672. A few attempts were made to con- tinue them, but the threat of Government proceedings against the offenders effectually suppressed them, and we hear no more of them in England. In Ireland the latest circulation was in 1679.
On the Tokens the initial of the surname is usually placed over those of the Christian names of the husband and wife: though sometimes the wife’s initial is at the top, sometimes the three initials are in a line, the middle one being the surname, and at other times the surname is at the bottom. For the convenience of printing, the three initials are placed in one line.
The contractions used are, O. for the Obverse side of the Token, R. for the Reverse; the mark =signifies that what follows it is in the field or central part of the Token; 1, 4, and 4, signify Penny, Half- penny, and Farthing, showing the size of the piece.
EAiltshire.
Among the Wiltshire Tokens, which are all of an ordinary cha- racter, there are no Pennies. They commence early, one of them (John Gage of Bradford) bearing the date of 1649, and they con- tinue to 1671, almost the last year Tokens were permitted to cir- culate. There are corporation-pieces of Marlborough and Salisbury.
ALDBOURNE,
1, O. I0HN. ADEE. OF. ALBORN =I. A, R, IN . WILTSHIERE . 1656 = Three rabbits feeding.
2. O. RICHARD. CLARK. IN — 1658. : R. ALBORN. WILTSHER = R.E. OC.
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80 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
AMESBURY. 3. O. JOHN. MOORES. OF = HIS HALFE PENNY. 3 R. aMBRosBuRY . 1667. =1.M.D. BARFORD. [Mr. Akerman.] 3.* O. MARY. BRINE.IN = The Arms of the Ironmongers’ Company. 4 R. BARFORD- 1667 = In the field HER. HALFPENNY and a cinquefoil. BISHOPSTONE. 4; O. 1. CLARK. BISHOPSTON —I.C. t R. IN. WILTSHIERE . 1656 = The Mercers’ Arms. BRADFORD.! 5. O. WILLIAM. BAILY. MERCER = The Mercers’ Arms. t R. IN. BRADFORD. 1668 = A NAG’S HEAD. W.B. 6.2. O. WILLIAM . CHANDLER = The Grocers’ Arms. 2 R, IN. BRADFORD .[16]63 = w.c. 6.* O, WILLIAM. CHANLER = The Grocers’ Arms. : R. IN. BRADFORD . 1650 =w.c. 7. O. DANIELL. DEVERRELL = A crown. 2 R. IN , BRADFORD. 1663. = D.D. 8. O. JOHN.GAGE.oF = The Mercers’ Arms. 4 R. BRADFORD. 1649. =1.G. 9, O, PAULE.METHWIN = A chevron ensigned with a cross pattée, in base a heart.” 2 R. IN. BRADFORD = A cross between P. M. CALNE. 10. O. JAMES. BARTLETT = A crown. : R. oF. CALNE. 1669 =1.B. 11. O. STEPHEN. BAYLIE = The Mercers’ Arms. 2
R. oF. CAULNE. 1669 = 8.5S.B.
12. O. soHN. DASH = The Tallowchandlers’ Arms. R. IN. CALNE. 1669 =1.P.D.
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1 Several towns in England having the same name, it is difficult to apportion the Tokens bearing that name. Under the name of Bradford there are tokens in Yorkshire, Wilts, and Somerset. By searching Parish Registers, and by other kinds of inquiry, Mr. Boyne has done his best to distinguish them. To Bradford in Yorkshire, he assigns the following: Wm. Bancks.—John Cooke 1666.—John Cook and Josiah Farrand.—John Durham 1667.—Wm. Hopkinson. —Thos. Ibbotson.—John Preston 1666.—Jacob Selbee 1665.—To Bradford (near Taunton) Co. Somerset, Will. Serle 1659. Those in the text, to Bradford, Wilts, now called Bradford-on-Avon. It will be seen by reference to Wilts Archeolo- gical Magazine, vol. v. p. 50, that some of the Tokens there considered to belong to Bradford in Wilts, are among those assigned by Mr. Boyne to Bradford in Yorkshire. Editor.
2§ee wood-cut in Wilts Mag. vol. v. 50, This is the merchant’s mark of the issuer of the Token, not the coat of arms of the Methuen family. dttor.
By Mr. Wiliam Boyne, F.S.A. 81 - ARTHUR. FORMAM — HIS HALF PENNY. + - CHANDLER. OF. CALNE = A o Dey
- JOHN . FORMAN = Two Tobacco-pipes crossed.! t . IN. CALNE = 1I.A.F,
» JOHN . JEFFREYS = The Grocers’ Arms, OF .cAUN. 1668 =1I.m.1.
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» WIL . JEFFREY . ELDER = The Grocers’ Arms. t . IN. CALNE = W.I.
GRACE. LAWRENCE = An Anchor. OF. CAULN .. 1669 = 1.4.1.
ei.
WITHERSTONE . MESENGER = Three rolls of bread. + OF . CALNE. BAKER = W. M.M.
- JOHN . NORMAN = The Grocers’ Arms. . IN. CAULNE =1.M.N.
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AT. THE . GLASS . HOUSE = A warehouse with turret on the top. - IN.CALNE. 1669 =a.1,5,
CASTLE COMBE.
- JEREMIAH . BERRY = The Grocers’ Arms. » OF . CASTLE. COMBE .[16]68 =1. 8. 8,
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. THOMAS. BERY. MERCER = T.1. B, » IN. CASTLE. COMBE. [16]66 = A castle,
CHIPPENHAM. °
23, O. WILL. ADYE. MERCER —w. Fk As 2 #. IN. curpennam. 1665 = w. Loe a
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‘The pipes on this and other Tokens are of the king called by the vulgar, “Fairy Pipes,” which were made at the commencement of the 17th century, They are frequently found in ploughed fields, whither they have been carried in manure. They are generally without stems, but when perfect are about eight
Inches long, thicker in the stem than modern pipes, with small heads almost egg-shaped. In some districts they are found with the maker’s initials at the bottom of the head. By some they are believed to have been made long prior _ to the reign of Elizabeth, during whose reign tobacco was first introduced ; there _ are certainly reasons for supposing that the custom of smoking is more ancient _ than the introduction of tobacco, When half of the great tower of Kirkstall Abbey, Co. York, fell down in 1779, a number of these “ fairy pipes’? were _ found imbedded in the mortar, and it is known that the most modern part of the tower was built in the reign of Henry VII.; and after the Abbey was dis- “Mmantled at the Reformation, there was no access to the upper part of the tower. _ Several were lately found at Newcastle in the Castle midden, on removing the houses built on that ancient accumulation. These pipes are called in Ireland “Danes’ pipes.” One was found in a Danish Cairn in 1855. See Ulster Journal of Archwvlogy, iii. p. 320.
F
82 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
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24. O. JOHN . EDWARDS —I.E. R, OF . CHIPPENHAM . 1665 = LINEN DRAPER.
25. A variety larger, having an ornamented knot between I. F.
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26. O. SAMUELL. ELLIOTE = Two swords crossed, and a carbine. R. OF . CHIPPENHAM =S.A.E. 1668. [1666. Akerman.]
27. O. SAMUELL .GAGE.OF = Three doves (Tallow chandlers’ Arms). FR, CHIPPENHAM. 1668 =8.E.G.
28. Akerman gives one dated 1653.
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28.* O. JOHN. HEORMAN . 1671 + R. OF. CHIPPENHAM.
29. O, HENRY. LAMBERT. IN t R. CHIPPENHAM , MERCER = H.8.L,
30. O. JOHN .STEVENS.OF =1.M.S. ; FR. CHIPPENHAM. 1652 =I.M.Ss.
51. O. JoHN. WEBB = The Tallow chandlers’ Arms. 4 R. IN. CHEPPENHAM =1,1.W.
32. O. JOHN . WILLSHEARE. OF = CHIPPENHAM. ; R, ANDREW . WILCOX. 1668 = MERCER.
CLACK. (Parish of Lineham.)!
33. O. ROBERT.GOODMAN = A pair of scales. i R. oF . cLack = A crescent moon.
34. O. FRANCIS .ROGERS = The Mercers’ Arms. z #. OF /cLAck . 1658 = Fi JR.
COLLINGBOURNE.
35. O. BARNABAS. RUMSEY = The Grocers’ Arms. z
R. OF . COLLINGBORNE.B.R. = 1667. CORSHAM.
36. O. WILLIAM . GIBBONS,
36.* O. RICHARD . BLACKMORE = 1565. R. OF . COLLINGBORNE =R.E.B. [From the Rev. W. C. Lukts.]
37. O. EDW.SALWAY. CLOTHER = A pair of shears. ; R, IN. CORSHAM. WILTS = E.K.S.
38. O. EDITH. AP .DADP . WOODMAN = A still. < R&R. MERSER.IN.CORSHEM = D.M.wW.
CRICKLADE,
39. O. THOMAS. DEIGHTON = A cross placed on steps. R, MERCER. IN. CRICKLAD =T.S.D.
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By Mr. William Boyne, F.S.A.
. ANTHONY . WORME. . CRICKILAD . CARRIER —A.A.W.
DEVIZES.
. STEPHEN . BAYLY. oF = A mermaid. . DEVIZES . MERCER = S.B. 1668.
. JOHN. FREY. oF = The Grocers’ Arms.
THE. DEVISES —=1.F.,
JOHN . FRY. 1664 = An open hand. IN . THE. DEVISES = Two pipes crossed. I. F.
. FRANCIS. GOULDING = A castle.
IN . ¥°, DEVISE.GROCER = The Grocers’ Arms.
. EDWARD. HOPE = A ship.
OF. THE. DEVIZES . 1652 = An anchor.
JOHN . HAMMOND =—1I.S.H. OF . THE . DEVIZES - 1652 = Three clasped books.
GRACE. NAISH.OF . THE = A castle.
. DEVIZES. 1652 = Three cloves.
FRANCIS . PARADICE = The Tallow chandlers’ Arms. CHANDLER.IN. Y°. DEVIZES = F.M.P.1669,
. JOHN . SLADE . GROCER = A sugar-loaf.
IN . THE. DEVIZES .1668 =I1.5S.
. RICHARD . SLADE = The Grocers’ Arms.
IN. THE. DEVIZES .1663 =RB8.S.
WILLIAM. SOMNER. OF = The Grocers’ Arms. THE . DEVIZES. GROCER = W.S. 1652,
| WILLIAM. STEVENS = The Grocers’ Arms.
IN . THE. DEVIZES. 1663 = W.A.S.
RICHARD . WATTON . 1666 = R. w. and two mullets.
. @ROCER.IN.Y°.DEVIZES = B&B. W-
. RICHARD - WOTTEN = R.-W.
GROCER .IN. DEVISES = R. W. DOWNTON.
PHILLIP. ROOKE — A rook.
. IN. DOWNTON. 1670 = HIS HALF PENY -P. B.
GREAT BEDWYN
JOHN - BUSHEL. OF . GREAT = Three doves (Tallow chandlers’ Arms).
BEDWIN . MERCER. 1669 —1.E.B.
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Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
HARNHAM. . JOHN . VENABLES. AT. HARNHAM = A shuttle. . NEAR. SARUM-16.. = HIS HALFE PENY.1I.A.Y. HIGHWORTH.
RICH. BATSON . HIGHWORTH — R.B. EDWARD - FORDER —E.F.
. LEONARD . BOLL. IN = The Grocers’ Arms.
HIGHWORTH - GROCER —L. B.
JOHN . ELTON .IN = A paschal lamb. HIGHWORTH =1.c.n. A dog?
. THO. HARTWELL. OF . HIGHWORTH = A crown.
THO. HARTWELL - OF - ABINGDON = A lion . 3.
EDMUND. HIDE.IN. HIworTH = A bear with chain. 4. RICH . LEADER. IN. HIworTH = A greyhound running.
shape. )
EDMUND. LEWIS. BRAZEAE = The Armourers’ Arms. IN. HIGHWORTH . 1669 = HIS HALF PENY.E.K .L.
WILLIAM . MATHEW — W.M IN . HIGHWORTH . 1659 = A lion rampant.
THOMAS . OSBORNE = —————Arms. OF . HIGHWORTH . 1653 =T.O0.
JOHN. TOMES = The Grocers’ Arms. OF . HyworTH . 1652 =1.T.
. RICHARD . WILLIAMS = A pair of spectacles. . WILLIAM . FRANKLIN . OF. HYWORTH . = W. F.
HILMARTON. ARTHUR . NORMAN.
. HILMARTIN . 1669.
KINGSWOOD.
. EDWARD. TANNER = 1658.
. IN- KINGS. wooD =E.D.T.
. THOMAS. WALFORD = The Cloth-workers’ Arms. | OF. KINGS. WOOD =T.P.W.
LAVINGTON. JOHN . HAYWARD = A ship.
. IN. LAVINGTON . 1663 =1 8.
. ROBERT . HAYWARD = A ship. . IN, LAVINGTON . 1668 = 8. H.
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By Mr. William Boyne, F.S.A. 85
LACOCK, - RICHARD. GRIST = A pair of scales. + IN. Lacock. 1669 = R.@.G.[ Another: with lion rampant. Akerman] LUDGERSHALL. (No legend) A castle. OF . LUGGASALE . 1665 = w -I. conjoined. MAIDEN BRADLEY.
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GEORGE . AUDREY. IN . MAIDEN . BRADLEY —G.A.
JAMES . ISHER = The Grocers’ Arms. OF. BRADLEY.! 1669 =1.1.
MALMSBURY.
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O. EDWARD. BROWNE = A man standing by a still. x R. OF . MALMESBERY = FE.M.B.
O, SAMUELL. CHAPP.IN = Arms obliterated. + R, MALMESBERY.1665 =s.M.C.
O. PHILLIP . EDWARDS = The Tallowchandlers’ Arms. + AR, IN. MALMSBURY 1659 = P.M.E.
O, THOMAS. EVANS, A. MALMSBURY . IN. WILTS.
O. ELIAS. FERRIS. APOTHECARY = The Apothecaries’ Arms. $ R. IN. MALMSBURY. 1669 = HIS. HALF.PENY.E.A.F.
O, JOHN .GOLDNEY.IN =1I.M.G. z R. cLOTHYR . MALMSBURY =1I.M.G.
O, NICO. JAFFRIS . WOOL = A woolcomb. 7 RA. MALMESBURY . ABYE = N.M.I.
O, RICHARD . PLAYER. R. MALMSBURY.
O. JOHN .SANsSUM = A pump. 4 i. OF . MALMSBUBY . 166.. =1.1T. 5.
O, THOS. TANNER. CARTER = A woolpack 4 R. IN. MALMESBURY =T.0.17.
O. ROB. THOMAS. OF = A bull. 4 R, mMatmespury .[(16]64 =R.H.T.
O, RICH . THORNER.IN = The Grocers’ Arms, t
MALMESBURY .[16]64 = R.T.
WILLIAM . WAYTE = The Grocers’ Arms, IN. MAMSBURY, 1651 = w.w.
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, WALTER. WOODMAN = The Grocers’ Arms, CARIER . MALMESBURY = W. M. W. in monogram. MARLBOROUGH.
O. A. MARLBROUGH . FARTHING = A castle. large >
+ R, IN.¥°. COUNTY. OF. WILTS. 1668 = A bull. The bull and castle are part of the beurings of the Arms of the Borough of Marlborough.
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‘There are several Bradleys in various parts of the country. G
86 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
92. O. JoHN. BAYLY = The Grocers’ Arms. i RK. IN.MALBROW =1.N.B. 93. O. HENRY. COLEMAN = A pair of scales. = R, IN. MARLBOROUGH .1657 =H.E.C. 94, O, WILLIAM. CRABBE = A man making candles. 3 R, OF, MALLBROUGH.. 1668 =W.M.C. 95. O. EDWARD. DELAMAINE = Crest; a hand. &.D. t R. or . MARLBOROW = 1665. 96. O. JOHN. HAMMOND. oF = A clasped book. “* AR. MARLBOROUGH .[16]66 =1.K.H. 97. O. THOMAS. KEENE = Three doves. = R. IN. MARLEBROUGH = T.K. 1652. 98, O. JOHN . MORGAN. 1656 = The Grocers’ Arms. + R, AT, MALBURRBOW —1.M. 99. O. JANE. PEARCE = The Ironmongers’ Arms. < R, IN. MARLBOROW =1.P. 100. O, WILLIAM. PUREUR. PINN = The Pinners’ Arms. 3 R. MAKER, IN.MARLRBOW = W.D.P. 101. O. THOMAS .SHIPPERE = The Mercers’ Arms. t R, IN. MARLBOROUGH =T.A.S. 102. O. RICHARD. SHIPRE = The Salter’s Arms. 3 R. OF . MOULBROUGH =R.S. 103, O. OLIVER. SHROPSHIRE = An angel. a R, IN. MARLBROUGH . 1665 =0.8., 104. O. JEREMIAH . SLOPER = A sugar-loaf. L R. IN. MARLBROUGH =1.E.S. 105. O. JOHN. SMITH .IN = Two tobacco-pipes crossed ; R, oF. MARLBROUGH . 1665 =1.K.S, MELKSHAM. 106. O. A.A.OF,MELKESHAM = The Mercers’ Arms. [Ambrose Awdry] { R.1.A.0F, STEEPLE. ASHTON = 1665. [John Awdry] [Another dated 1668, And one, RICHARD. LUKEY. Akerman.) MERE. 107, O. THOMAS. GAMBLIN 1665. i RR, IN. MEERE =T.G. 108. O, RICHARD. PITMAN = A man making candles. i FR. OF. MEERE.166.. =F .T. P. 109. O. ROBERT. PITTMAN. OF = HIS. HALFE. PENNY, 4 R. MEERE . DRAPER. 1668 = The Drapers’ Arms. 110. O. witLram. RogeERs A horse ambling. i
O R. IN. MEERE. 1666 = W.R. conjoined.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
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By Mr. Wiiliam Boyne, F.S.A.
PURTON. JOHN . EARMER =1.F.E.
. OF. PYRTON . 1668 = HIS. HALF. PENY. . JOHN. FARMAR. 1656 = A roll of tobacco.
IN. PYRTON = The Grocers’ Arms.
RAMSBURY.
JOHN .sTON. oF = A man making candles. RAMSBURY . 1655 =1.M.S.
WILLIAM. WHITE = The Haberdashers’ Arms. IN . RAMSBERY = W.R. W.
ROLLSTONE. (Near Amesbury.) JAMES . SWAN . IN = The Grocers’ Arms.
. ROLSTON . GROCER = 1[.S,
SALISBURY.
FOR. THE. MAIOR. OF. THE. 1652 = A double-headed eagle dis- R, citTy . oF. NEW. SARUM = Arms of the City; four bars.
IN. SAROM. 1664 =G@.4A.C.
HENRY. COLE = A Saracen’s head. OF .SARUM .1655 = H.C.
WILLIAM . COURTNEY . BOOK = Two angels supporting an open book.
BINDER .IN.SARUM. 1670 = HALF. PENY.
THOMAS. CUTLER . JUNIOR = HALF. PENY. IN. SARUM. 1666 =T.T1.¢.
THOMAS. CUTLER. SENIOR — HIS. HALF. PENY In. SARUM. 1666 = Two snakes entwined. T.c.
CHISTOPHER. EGG = The Ironmongers’ Arms. IN . SARUM = C.E.
GODDERD . ELLIOT. IN = Arms of the Elliot family ; a fesse.
SARUM . GROCER. 1666 = The Grocers’ Arms.
IN .SARUM. 1667 =G.E.F. HIS . HALFE, PENNY = Two snakes entwined.
EDWARD. FAULCONER = The Skinners’ Arms. IN. NEW. SARUM =E.M.F.
EDWARD . FRIPP = Arms, IN. SARUM. 1668 = HIS. HALF. PENY.
JOHN . GILBERT. AT. THE = A bell. BELL’. IN. NEW. SARUM —I1.H. 4G.
GEORGE. GODFERY = A rat, In, sAkuM. 1659 =a@.a,
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This is curious in having a double-headed eagle for Mint-mark on both sides; on other pieces, these marks are usually stars, mullets, cinquefoils, etc., which are not worth describing.
. GEORGE . CLEMENS = A dragon.
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88
129, 130, 131. 132. 133. 134,
135,
139. 140,
141.
148.
149.
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.
HORRORS RO RS
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Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
. GEORGE , GODFERY = A rat.
RAT. KILR.IN. SARUM —G.@G.
ROGER. GODFREY. IN = A knife and cleaver. NEW. SARUM. 1666 = B.E.G,
JOHN . HALE = A lion rampant. GROCER. IN .SARUM =I. 4H.
JOHN .HANCOCK.IN. NEW —I.4H. SARUM . APOTHECARY = The bust of a Turk.
NICHOLAS. HASKOLL . 1658 = The Ironmongers’ Arms. IRONMUNGER , IN. SARUM = N. H, conjoined.
THOMAS . HAYTOR. OF . SARUM == The Cordwainers’ Arms. HIS, HALFE. PENY. 1666 =T.4H,
JONATHAN. HILL. 1668 = HIs. HALFE. PENY. IN .SARUM =1.E.4H.
WILLIAM . JOYCE = A camel couchant.
IN. SARUM. 1652 = W.I.
CHRISTOPHER . LEGG = The Ironmongers’ Arms. IN , SARUM —C.L.
EDWARD . LISTER . IN. SARUM = The Sun.
AT. WINCHESTER . GATE = HIS. HALF. PENY.
EDMOND . MACKS = A mitre. OF .SARUM = E. M.
FRANCIS. MANNINGE = A goat. IN. SARUM. 1664 =F.I.M.
EDWARD. MASON = A naked boy. ...... SARUM. 1658 = E.E.M.
HENRY . MATTERSHAW = A cook’s knife. IN. SARUM. COOKE. 58 = H.P.M.
RICHARD . MINIFIE = The Skinners’ Arms. IN. SALSBURY = RB. M.
THOMAS. PARISH .IN=1.D.P. CHEESE . CROSE. SARUM = The Grocers’ Arms.
GEORGE. PAGE. GRocER = A dove with olive-branch. IN. SARUM. 1656 =@.K.P,
EDWARD . PENNY. IN = The Butchers’ Arms. SARUME . 1671 = HIS. 3.. TOKEN.
CHARLES . PHELPS . oF = The Skinners’ Arms. SARUM .CONFECTIONER =C.S.P.,
I. POORE.AT. BARNETS = A cross calvary. CROSS. IN. SARUM =1.8S.P.
. VAUGHAN . RICHARDSON = A dolphin. , KATHERINE . STR. IN. SARUM = V-U.-R. 1668.
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By Mr. William Boyne, F-S.A. 89
iSite
SIMON . ROLFE = Arms of the Rolfe family; three ravens. Crest; IN. SARUM, 1666 = HIS. HALF, PENY. [on a helmet a raven.
aj
ARTHER . SANDERS = A squirrel. OF . SARUM, 1656 = 4.58.
ain
JOSEPH . SAXTON = St. George and the dragon. IN . SALSBURY =1.8, conjoined.
This and Minifie’s are the only Tokens where the City is called SatsBury.
. THOMAS ..SHERGOLD . OF. SARUM — A crown. . HIS. HALFE. PENNY . 1666 =T.5.
tole
a
O R O, CHRIS . WILLMOTT = A lamb. R, IN. SARUM. 1666 c. w.
6)
“doe 8 Ae Wervaiasuasie R., OF . SALISBURY. SHALBOURN.
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O. JOHN . BRADILL, LENARD . LEE = A bear. R. IN. SHLATBOURN, [16]71 = 3
STEEPLE ASHTON.
O. ROB. JFEFREYES = A church RF, sTEPLE . ASHTON =R.M.1I. [See Melksham.]
STRATTON (St. Margaret).
alm
O. JOHN. CANN = The Mercers’ Arms. R. OF . STRATTON . 1652 =1.C.
a>
There are places named Stratton in several counties.
SWINDON.
O, WILLIAM. HEATH = W.E, t R, IN. SWINDON = W.E.
O, HENRY . MUNDAY . CHANDLER = The Grocers’ and Tallowchandlers’ 4 R, HIS. HALF. PENY.IN. SWINDON = H. M. 1669. [Arms.
O. HENERY . RESTAL = Two tobacco-pipes crossed. i R, IN. SWINDON . 1656 = Three sugar-loaves.
O, HENERY . RESTALL = Two pipes crossed. 1 R., IN .swinvon . 1664 = Two pipes crossed.
O, Joun .smitH = The Bakers’ Arms, - R. In. swronpon . 1664 =1.¢.8.
O, WILLIAM . WEBB = Two pipes crossed. 4 R, oF . SWINDON . 1669 = HIS, HALF . PENY.W.W.
O. AMOS. WILKINS .IN = The Grocers’ Arms. } ZR, SWINDON . IN. WILKSHER = A.W.
O, AMOS. WILKINS .AT = The Mercers’ Arms,
R. SWINDON. IN. WILTS = A.M.W.
H
90 Wiltshire Tradesman’s Tokens.
TINHEAD ( Parish of Edington).
166. O. JOHN. BERRY. OF = The Mercers’ Arms. 4
RK. TINHEAD. 1668=1.A.B. TROWBRIDGE.
167. O, TROWBRIDG . IN. WILTIS = B.D. [ probably Edward Davis, Ed.] + A, TROWBRIDGE. IN. WILTIS = H.D.
168. O. ROBERT. DARCKE. 1669 = An anchor. R.D. 3 R. IN. TURBRIDGE . IN = WILLTS.
169, O. WILLIAM .sMITH = Two pipes crossed. 3 R. IN. TRUBRIDGE = W.S.
170. A variety with TUB. BRIDGE as the name of the town. z
171. Another reading TREUBRIDGE. =
172. O. ROBERT. WITCHELL = A fleur-de-lys. nS R. IN. TROWBRIDGE = RB. W.
WARMINSTER.
173. O. JOHN. BUcCHER = A heart crowned, + RK, IN. WARMISTER. 1651 =1.B.
174, O. JAMES. ELIATT = An open hand. i R. oF . WARMISTER = A cock,
175. O. JOHN. SLADE. 1667 =A heart. 3 R, IN. WARMISTER = 1.5.
176. O. THOMAS. TOOMER = A dove with olive-branch. oF RA. OF. WARMESTER, 1651 = 17.1.
WESTBURY.
177. O. WILLIAM. COCKELL.OF. WEST = The Merchant Tailor’s Arms, x RK. BURY .COUNTY .IN. WILTS = W.S.C, [16]58.
178. O. THOMAS. HANCOCKE = A cock. i R. IN. WESTBURY . 1656 = A hand.
179. O. WALTER. HAYNES = The Grocers’ Arms. 3 R. OF . WESTBURY = W.H.
180. O. JoHN.MATRAVERS.IN = A fleur-de-lys. = A. WESTBURY .1669 =1.E.M.
181. O. FRANCIS, PASHENT = The Tallowchandlers’ Arms. i AR. OF . WESTBURY . 1668 =F.K.P.
WESTPORT [Malmsbury]. 182. O. GILES. HOONE. AT. THE = Three cups. m4
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. IN. WEESTPUT —G.I.H.
By Mr. William Boyne, F-S.A. 91 WILTON.
STEPHEN . BRASS